Wolfram von Eschenbach (c. 1170 - c. 1217): Parzival
Portrait of Wolfram from the Codex Manesse (see note 2 below for more details) |
Parzival was begun around 1198 and completed around 1210. It is a narrative poem of 24,810 lines in 16 books divided into 30-line sections made up of couplets, and it looks like this:
‘nû habet iuch an der witze kraft
und helt in alle
ritterschaft.’
der site vuor
angestlîche vart.
der knappe alsus
geborgen wart
zer waste in Soltâne
erzogen,
an küneclîcher vuore
betrogen,
ez enmöhte an einem site
sîn:
bogen unde bölzelîn
die sneit er mit sîn
selbes hant
und schôz vil vogele die
er vant.
swenne aber er den vogel
erschôz,
des schal von sange ê was sô grôz,
sô weinde er unde roufte
sich,
an sîn hâr kêrte er gerich.
sîn lîp was klâr unde
fier:
ûf dem plân an dem
rivier
twuoc er sich alle
morgen.
er enkunde niht
gesorgen,
ez enwære ob im der vogelsanc.
diu süeze in sîn herze dranc:
daz erstracte im sîniu brüstelîn.
al weinde er lief zer künegîn.
sô sprach si: ‘wer hât dir getân?
dû wære hin ûz ûf den plân.’
er enkunde ir gesagen
niht,
als kinden lîhte noch geschiht. (from Bk III, Sections 117-118)
‘Now use your wits and keep all knighthood from
him.’ The custom travelled an anxious road. The boy thus hidden away was
brought up in the forest clearing of Soltane, cheated of his royal heritage
except on one count: with his own hands he whittled himself a bow and little
arrows and shot many birds that he came upon. But whenever he shot the bird
whose song was so loud before, he would weep and tear his hair – and his hair
came in for grief. His body was fair and proud. Every morning he washed in the
stream by the meadow. Of sorrow he knew nothing, unless it was the birdsong
above him, for the sweetness of it pierced his heart and made his little bosom
swell. Weeping he ran to the queen, and she said, “Who has hurt you? You were
out on the meadow.” He could tell her nothing, as is still the way with children.
(transl. Helen M. Mustard and Charles E. Passage, 1961)
[The
meter is 4-stress. Most of the lines are basically like English tetrameters,
but one line-type unknown to English is the one that ends in two syllables that
are both stressed, though the last only secondarily – as above in the lines
ending with mor´-gen` and sor´-gen` . The penultimate syllable
must be long (presumably to delay the arrival of the final stress, an
interesting metrical combination of quantity with accent). Editors of MHG texts
use the circumflex symbol to indicate a long vowel.]
The earliest written account of the Percival story is Chrétien de
Troyes’ Li contes del
graal, which is his longest poem but was left unfinished, presumably at his death, some
time around 1190. There are many unfinished narratives in the world but this
one causes more anguish than most. Chrétien was undoubtedly drawing on Celtic
oral tradition, but no writer other than Chrétien appears to have known how the
story was meant to end, and perhaps the Percival legend had not achieved much
fixity apart from certain key features, e.g. the hero’s naivety, his upbringing
in isolation, his visit to the Grail castle and his failure when there to ask about the elephant in the room, i.e. the king's wound.
Various French continuations appeared shortly after Chrétien’s
death, but Wolfram doesn't seem to have known them – where similar situations
arise these can be attributed to both authors drawing the same fairly obvious
inferences from Chrétien’s fragment.
The tale of Peredur in the Welsh Mabinogion may
draw on earlier tradition independent of Chrétien’s poem, but this is not
certain. New material such as the surprising reference to windmills suggests a
13th century composition. Peredur’s ending is not very persuasive as
independent testimony to some powerful Ur-legend, though it may restore
the hero’s original name.
Wolfram tells us of his own supposed independent source, named Kyot. Reluctantly, this colourful person must be regarded as Wolfram’s
invention. Wolfram’s creativity consisted not so much in adding new narrative
as in a prolonged meditation on and enrichment of Chrétien’s work. Wolfram
applies a much more elaborate and consistent setting. The Middle-Eastern
(“heathen”) flavour of the account of Gahmuret in the first two books, and the
eventual appearance of Feirefiz, his heathen son, towards the end, are
Wolfram’s principal additions. In other respects he adds very little to Chrétien’s
story, but he intensely re-imagines it in order to achieve a greater concentration
and unity. Chrétien’s introduction of the Proud Castle
with the besieged damsel – it is not followed up in the poem as we have it – is
quietly omitted. Wolfram transforms Orgeluse into someone that Gawan can fall in
love with and happily marry. This does not seem to have been Chrétien’s
intention, and the authors of the French continuations (who perhaps were more aware of Gawain’s role within the wider context of the Arthurian corpus) did not opt for this approach. Where Chrétien calls Orgeluse evil-hearted, Wolfram calls her mighty.
Wolfram’s inventions make for social and psychological depth
rather than narrative action. For example, he invents the maid Bene, daughter
of the ferryman, and thus creates a situation in which Gawan could please
himself with a lower-class girl. The scene is elaborated; everyone behaves
well. The nature of Wolfram’s interests requires nothing else, and it is
characteristic of the pellucid and measureless depths that he works with. The
wonderful scenes of negotiation at Joflanze illustrate the same reluctance to
create new and dramatic turns in the plot. This perhaps appears a weakness when
Cundrie at length appears and makes the bald announcement that Parzival’s exile from the Grail is
now to be resolved; it focuses the reader’s vague awareness that Parzival is
something of an absentee-hero after Book VI. Wolfram patches together a more or
less unified tale from Chrétien's fragment, which after astonishing us with the
unprecedented bildungsroman about the ignorant Perceval in the first half, then
seems to loiter inconsequently in its Gawain adventures until it breaks off -
though Chrétien had forewarned us that he intended to speak for a long time about
Gawain before returning to Perceval.
I don't intend a criticism, but I do intend an observation,
in claiming that Wolfram's battery of rhetorical devices is very adroit at
papering over the defects of his fragmentary source. For example, Chrétien's
brief switch back to Perceval when recounting the Good Friday advice of the hermit is very abrupt compared to Wolfram's Book
IX.
Or consider the episode with the Bed of Marvels (Bk XI).
Chrétien's description of the setting is intriguing. He invents such amazing
things as castors for the bed, as well as glass so clear that you can see what
is going on inside. But when it comes to the actual trials, they are
disappointingly brief: a shower of darts
followed by a lion. The bed-castors in Chrétien are only decorative, but Wolfram
turns them into part of the adventure; the bed whizzes about, the floor is
like an ice-rink. He adds in a shower of stones, and expands the other trials.
When the excitement is over, Gawain is seriously wounded. Yet though Wolfram
has a far better sense of proportion and of how to create a world in which
meaning can develop, you miss some of Chrétien's occasionally bald clarity. For
example, when Anguingeron pleads with
Perceval for his life, he comes up with quite a poweful argument:
"My good friend, don't be so haughty as to refuse me
mercy. I assure you and concede that you have got the better of me and are an
excellent knight, but not so good that a man who hadn't seen us fight it out, but
who knew the two of us, would ever believe that you alone could have slain me
in single combat. But if I bear witness that you defeated me in arms in front
of all my men outside my own tent, my word will be believed and your fame will
be reckoned to be greater than any knight's ever..."
In Wolfram's poem, this passage seems to be vaguely referred to in Kingrun's "God has bestowed much honour on you, and if people say that
your strength has prevailed over me and that you have conquered me, you have
had your success" - and again, when
Clamidê pleads: "Oh no! noble
knight and brave! By me your honor will be increased thirtyfold." But in Wolfram the point of the original argument is never reached.
Reading these
passages, I feel like speculating that, whatever may be the truth about Wolfram's
literacy (he claims to be illiterate), this seems like the way Wolfram might develop a retelling of a story
he had originally heard. He had
indeed listened with deep attention, but afterwards he had made the story his
own; intending to follow it faithfully, he was nevertheless extremely free and
inventive in his rendering - exactly because, when he made his own poem, he
didn't have Chrétien's text to hand. He was working from memories.
*
Wolfram took immense care over working out the family
relationships, geography and time-scheme of his story. The upshot is that Parzival
creates its own, self-consistent world, but feels quite distinct from the vast Arthurian narrative edifice, the work of many hands, that arose from Chrétien’s
foundations in France .
*
Onto the flat plain by the landing place rode the
great retinue. The Queen’s squires chose a camp site suitable for the ladies by
a clear, fast-running brook, and soon one saw many beautiful tents set up
there. Further off many a great circle of tents was prepared for the King and
the knights who had come with him. They had indeed left behind them on their
ride a broad trail of hoof prints. (Bk XIII, 663)
The structuring of Wolfram’s topography is obviously
connected with its foregrounding of the knightly social class. Thus the lands
of the poem contain remote castles of fabulous wealth, meadows, rivers and
forests, but where is the agriculture? Where does all this wealth come from?
Wolfram’s theory of production (this is an exaggeration, but you know where I’m
coming from) amounts to no more than the staggeringly generous gifts that Gawan or Parzival dispense
to all and sundry, and that they in turn received from a kingly or fair hand or
won through adventure. Realism is obviously not the point here, but medieval
romances do, as it were without intention, contain much that was in fact
realistic and is now an unselfconscious witness to their times. Thus in the passage above, the
importance of a stream with a rapid current to eliminate mud (the water for those fabulous
banquets could come from nowhere else), the segregation of King’s and Queen’s
retinues, and the critical visual statement made by a trail of hoofprints, a topographic feature as central to the medieval eye as tarmac is to ours.
Because of the gifts and the way that objects change hands
through adventure and tourney, noble possessions often do not originate within
their own lands. Thus the sword given by Anfortas to Parzival in fact has an
unexpected association with Karnant, as Sigune explains to us (V, 254).
Nothing else in Parzival suggests any link between Lac’s kingdom and the
Grail kingdom. Compare the description of Duke Orilus’ arms, armour and horse
at V, 261; they come from all over the place.
Thus the life of the ruler in Parzival is radically
mobile. His possessions come from many different places, and he himself may make
temporary court in many different places. Return to his “own” castle or lands may be
infrequent. The dedication to a quest that prevents this (e.g. Parzival in
nearly five years never visiting his wife at Pelrapeire) is a romance formalization of the kind of travelling lifestyle that rulers such as Richard Coeur-de-Lion favoured.
What we automatically do, when we learn about the Grail
sword’s association with Karnant, is try to respond to this information as if we were
reading a more modern kind of romance in which the mystic and atmospheric connotations
of places are evoked. In order to
delight in such atmospheres, we need to have a conception of place as something exotic and
fathomlessly individual, a conception that grew from Shakespeare through Scott and
onwards, achieving its heyday in Stevenson, Buchan, Conrad, the movies, the
heritage industry and today’s brochures about foreign travel; a nationalistic conception. Tolkien, T.H.
White, and others have imported this nationalistic idea into works that in
some other respects look like medieval romances – for example Tolkien’s locations (the
Shire, Rohan, Lorien) are atmospheric, thus a Lorien dagger bears with it a
refreshing and mystical breath of its home, even in the sickly surroundings of
the Dead Marshes.
Wolfram’s geography doesn’t have (or wasn't intended to have)
this play of atmospheres. The sword’s history is not intended to provoke the
deep suggestion that a Grail atmosphere hangs over Karnant.
*
National boundaries and passports did not exist. A “land”
still really meant a cultivated area like an island within a larger wilderness.
When Parzival is described as being in a forest, this means he is not in any land, but
between lands. Thus the question of whether, e.g. Brobarz borders Britain , or
Logrois borders Klinschor’s land, really makes no sense.
Wolfram’s geography is consistent but you cannot draw maps
of it. In fact there were no maps of that sort in Wolfram’s time; his poem
predates a world of scale drawings (it began with the Portuguese charts), just as it predates a
world in which Arabic numerals allowed calculation. As a matter of fact I do
have such a map in my head, but this must be set down as the kind of anachronism
that a reader necessarily imports to fill up imaginative vacuums, like my
visualization of the armour and the tapestries, or the Hollywood
fanfares that the trumpets seem to sound while I’m reading. (In my map the
wilderness of Soltane is towards the top left and the city of Rosche Sabins is in the bottom right, so I
suppose it reflects a reading sequence.)
Besides, Wolfram wanted to save the appearances of what he found in his
sources; at some level he thought of his story’s locations as real. Therefore
the city of Pelrapeire
in Brobarz (Bk IV) is described as being by the sea, because the story contains
ships which bring food to the besieged city. Wolfram knows (because the story
tells him) that you can travel between Britain and Brobarz, but he does not
know how far or in what direction. Hence Wolfram’s romance, being like most medieval
romances overlaid on other sources, tends to contain a lot of sentences like
“In the evening he came to a land called etc.”; the sort of vague geography
that the latest author understands must have been roughly true.
In one respect this vague geography has a usefulness.
Parzival spends several years on his Grail quest before eventually being
invited back to Munsalvaesche (the Grail castle), but it is axiomatic that until he is invited he cannot ever seek it. Sigune tells us you can
only find it by chance. The land of the Grail, Terre de Salvaesche, is a waste land for
thirty miles around. Despite this, it does not seem to take Orilus long (in Bk
V) to travel from Trevrizent’s cave to his own camp and from there it is only a
mile to the banks of the Plimizoel, where Arthur is encamped. Our own map-making minds would soon have that mysterious Grail kingdom pinned down.
Mustard and Passage in the Introduction to their very
excellent translation oddly conflate two completely separate locations where
Arthur makes camp; the banks of the Plimizoel in Books V-VI and the plain of
Joflanze in XII-XVI. The former location is recognized by Arthur himself as drawing
dangerously close to the sphere of the Grail. The latter location is close to
Rosche Sabins and the Castle
of Wonders , and Arthur
has to pass through Logrois to get to it. It does indeed have rivers nearby,
but they are the Sabins and the Poynzaclins, not the Plimizoel. It is in fact a
significant feature of Parzival that sections of the poem tend to be organized
around a principal location (e.g. Bk IV, Pelrapeire, or Bk VIII, Ascalun) and
once these places have been left behind we never go back to them. The exceptions of course are the land of the Grail, e.g. Munsalvaesche, the one place you can’t
go to deliberately (Bk V, XVI), and Trevrizent’s hermitage, central location of
Bk IX but previously glimpsed as the location of Parzival’s oath to Orilus in
Bk V. Wolfram uses the non-repeating sequence of locations as a way of
organizing the past. At Joflanze, for example, he makes frequent references to
the earlier scene at the Plimizoel. Thus the places are memory-stations for an
audience who are listening to a recitation. *See note 1
*
The Middle Ages, that civilization so energetic with what
now seems misdirected intelligence, left behind astonishing and still
unmatchable monuments. When we stand before a cathedral our main sense is of how impossible
it would be to get back to the mental or spiritual state in which such a
powerhouse could be conceived and executed. Reading Wolfram, Chaucer, or the Gawain-Poet,
one is bound to have the same feeling about the medieval cultivation of courtly
manners. These authors leave a testimony to a civilization that we cannot now
attain, for medieval manners (at any rate the medieval ideal of manners) seems many
degrees subtler than anything we have seen since. Reading these books, we feel
cloddish and provincial.
In Wolfram’s poem it is clear that the incredible
elaboration of courtesy and points of honour exists as a counterpoise to a degree of
personal aristocratic power that settled governments and legal apparatus would
later make obsolete. It’s just because Gawan and his peers could, if they wished,
rape and murder their way around the lands that courtesy becomes so critical. But Wolfram does not present the behaviour of his heroes as a
tight-lipped battle against temptation. Instead, he posits a high but
irresistible force of Love that, on the contrary, a noble (wert)
man ought not to resist (wern).
Notes
Note 1. Contrast Chrétien's Knight with the Lion, which returns
several times to the spring and its lady's castle, or the Knight with the Cart, with its returns to Bademagu's tower.
Note 2. The Codex Manesse is a minnesinger anthology produced in Zurich, mostly by 1304 but with addenda up to 1340. It's an exceptional MS both for its comprehensive corpus of poetry and for the wonderfully inventive illustrations of 135-ish named poets. This being the Middle Ages, the MS is arranged in descending order of social status (like the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales), so it begins with the Emperor Henry VI and a couple of other poetically-inclined kings, then goes down through the senior nobility (Heinrich von Veldeke at #16), minor nobility (Walther von der Vogelweide #45, Wolfram #47, Hartmann #60), then to mere Meisters and other commoners (Gottfried von Strassburg , #124). Wolfram is the tall figure in full armour, his face concealed (like his horse). So the only face you can see belongs to Wolfram's squire; and the artist underlines that paradox by placing the squire dead centre, which in most though not all of the other portraits is where you'd look to find the poet. The dramatic device of double axes on a red background is an invention.
Note 2. The Codex Manesse is a minnesinger anthology produced in Zurich, mostly by 1304 but with addenda up to 1340. It's an exceptional MS both for its comprehensive corpus of poetry and for the wonderfully inventive illustrations of 135-ish named poets. This being the Middle Ages, the MS is arranged in descending order of social status (like the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales), so it begins with the Emperor Henry VI and a couple of other poetically-inclined kings, then goes down through the senior nobility (Heinrich von Veldeke at #16), minor nobility (Walther von der Vogelweide #45, Wolfram #47, Hartmann #60), then to mere Meisters and other commoners (Gottfried von Strassburg , #124). Wolfram is the tall figure in full armour, his face concealed (like his horse). So the only face you can see belongs to Wolfram's squire; and the artist underlines that paradox by placing the squire dead centre, which in most though not all of the other portraits is where you'd look to find the poet. The dramatic device of double axes on a red background is an invention.
Labels: Wolfram von Eschenbach
0 Comments:
Post a Comment
<< Home