William Shakespeare: Edward III
This is a play which was published anonymously in 1596 and
never attributed to Shakespeare until its claims were unveiled by Capell in
1760. In fact the play disappears from notice so abruptly after its second
quarto of 1599 that this requires some explanation regardless of who wrote it -
the likeliest is that its crude anti-Scottishness rendered it unperformable and
therefore unwanted after royal reproof in 1598. And of course that might also
explain its absence from the First Folio. For Shakespeare's presence is
pervasive - two rather different Shakespeares indeed. In much of the play we
are reminded of Shakespeare in his earliest period. But in certain scenes a
more mature Shakespeare seems to emerge, e.g. the Countess of Salisbury scenes
in Act II and the taunting scene before Poitiers
in IV.4. One possible solution (as per Melchiori) is that Shakespeare was a
minor collaborator on the first version c. 1591 and a couple of years later
keyed in some revised scenes on his own. There are some indications that the
author(s) of the original Edward III anticipated
not having access to such features of the big London playhouses as an upper
stage - e.g. surprisingly not making any use of the traditional "Enter
besieged citizens on the walls" when dramatizing the siege of Calais; yet
earlier in the play, when the Countess of Salisbury appears, she precisely is
on these "walls" - so that might suggest a time-gap in composition, during
which performance expectations had changed.
There is at any rate enough of Shakespearian echoes (and
no-one else's - the occasional Marlovianisms were mere common currency) to more
than justify the play's inclusion in a canon that already includes other
collaborative plays. Indeed the question is not so much whether Shakespeare was
one of the authors as whether anyone else but Shakespeare was involved. (The
latest computer study proposes Kyd.)
And yet, reading this some thirty years after I last
experienced reading a Shakespeare play for the first time, I feel a reluctance
to wholly give way to its claims; a reluctance that, evidently, scholars have
felt too. A little of this - I think, a very little - might be down to the lack
of attestation; more, probably, is down to the patina that the canonized plays
have all accrued - we read a play, even such as the Henry VI plays, vaguely aware of sitting among an audience that
spans the centuries and includes enthralled and wise and reflective and hotly
engaged responders. But still, when all this is conceded some other reluctance
remains that is down to Edward III itself.
Enter at one door Derby
from France ,
at another door Audley with a drum.
How
is it with our sovereign and his peers?
Audley. 'Tis full a fortnight since I saw his highness,
What
time he sent me forth to muster men,
Which
I accordingly have done, and bring them hither,
In
fair array before his majesty.
What
news, my lord of Derby ,
from the Emperor?
Hath
yielded to his highness general aid,
And
makes our king lieutentant-general
In
all his lands and large dominions;
Then
via for the spacious bounds of France .
There is verse as bare and functional as this in Henry VI. What is different is more a
matter of stagecraft. What Derby
and Audley report they have done is just exactly what Edward commanded them to
do back in the first scene of the play. Nothing is unexpected, there is no
dramatic tension. And that first scene, if we compare it with the first scene
of others of Shakespeare's history plays, well, it does have a lot in common
with them. It begins in the middle of a conversation, without preamble, just
with the king helpfully giving us the interlocutor's name, exactly as in King John or Richard II:
King Edward. Robert
of Artois ,
banished though thou be
From
France
thy native country....
King John. Now say, Chatillon, what would France with us?
King Richard. Old John of Gaunt, time-honoured Lancaster,
Hast
thou, according to thy oath and hand....
Soon enough, we are dealing with the matter of dynastic
claims, just as in 3 Henry VI, King John,
or Henry V. Soon enough, we have
the hurling of defiance, just as in those three plays. And yet, comparing these
opening scenes, the overwhelming feeling is that Edward III gives less. It
accomplishes all that one would have expected at the outset, no more.
But what grips us in the acknowledged history plays is
precisely that "more". We are not passively following out the dutiful
enactment of a chronicle, we are instantly involved, piqued, engaged, in the
drama's unexpected turns and anticipations. In King John, for example, we are hardly a page into the familiar
material before we are wondering about the king's personality and the tension
in his relationship with his mother, and we haven't had a moment to take that
on board before the scene switches direction unpredictably with the appearance
of the Bastard. The ending of the scene could not have been anticipated in how
it began. And this is about the least of the scenes in question. Think how in 3 Henry VI the fiery confrontation
fizzles into a truce that no-one believes in, then before we can catch our breath
the king is facing the wrath of his queen. Where will this lead us? Who are the
major players? What of Warwick 's pride, will he
stay committed to York ?
How do York 's
several sons feel about all this? What of the tensions between Henry and his
own followers? By the end of the scene our minds are already intrigued and
perplexed by a host of questions.
But the end of the first scene of Edward III is merely rousing. There are no tensions within the
English camp. No-one has any discernible personality, and the Prince ends it,
to general consensus and without any foretaste of troubles ahead, with
Then
cheerfully forward, each a several way,
In
great affairs 'tis naught to use delay.
It is still (modestly) exciting to anticipate clashes with the
Scots and the French, but that is all. So if you put this down to being
Shakespeare's work in total, I think we must be looking at his first essay in the history genre (except
for the revised scenes). It is not a satisfying solution - it is both complicated
in terms of the play's genesis, and rather too easy to defend, since anything
unShakespearian can be attributed to habits later outgrown. But it makes a
certain amount of sense -
1. If the history play genre has its roots in the patriotic
mobilization of a nation at the time of the Armada, then Edward III seems closest to this model. (And note the reference to Spain
in the Prince's speech at the end of the play.)
2. 1 Henry VI suggests
an audience's prior familiarity not just with Henry V's famous victories but
with the earlier triumphs of Crécy and Poitiers .
3. A fundamental challenge for the patriotic play is how to
deal with other, enemy nations; and you could see a development from Edward III's anti-Scottish lampooning to
the treatment of La Pucelle in 1 Henry VI
before such crude propaganda is finally outgrown.
Yet Edward III is
somewhat more than a mere precursor. The most difficult point of honour is
negotiated within the French camp,
i.e. Salisbury 's
passport.
Also, there are certain points where a refusal to dramatize
and make character motivation is quite interesting. When Edward believes that
his son is doomed, he makes the speech about working out his grief in revenge -
An
hundred fifty towers shall burning blaze
While
we bewail our valiant son's decease.
It would have been easy to place Salisbury 's
arrival before the scene in which
Edward reluctantly allows Calais
to go unsacked, and that would have provided motivation for his initial fierceness,
and made its repression heroic. The current arrangement is more convincing, but
it does lack drama, especially as we already know that the Prince has in fact
triumphed.
A couple of other points go to France . At the end of the play
Edward accuses King John of having been responsible for all the terror of
invasion, because if he had given in to Edward from the start this need not
have happened. This feels meretricious: Edward is the invader. And earlier,
when King John addresses his troops, before Crécy,
He
that you fight for is your natural king,
He
against whom you fight a foreigner;....
you feel that in a nationalistic context (i.e. in
Shakespeare's own time, and in a play that constantly makes a clash of nations
out of a dynastic quarrel) this is a very strong argument. What matter the
rights and wrongs of dynastic succession? To fight for Edward is clearly not to
fight for France , whatever Artois may argue to the
contrary.
From the above it is evident that Edward, though never quite
a character, has a consistent fierceness that we don't simply cheer for. The
fierceness is most overtly debated when Edward refuses to send aid to his
imperilled son, who shares the fierceness too.
*
Edward III uses
rhyme, chiefly though not always at the end of a speech, also throughout some
speeches, e.g. the Countess's urging Edward to stay with her. It also has
several passages where the same word or words reappear in successive lines.
If
she did blush, 'twas tender modest shame,
Being
in the sacred presence of a king;
If
he did blush, 'twas red immodest shame,
To
vail his eyes amiss, being a king.... (and there’s more)
When we name a man,
His
hand, his foot, his head hath several strengths,
And
being all but one self instant strength,
Why
all this many, Audley, is but one,
And
we can call it all but one man's strength.
This repetition of the end-word is locally common in Shakespeare's Henry VI plays (prominent in Act II of 2H6, or Henry's big speech in 3H6). Whether its presence here tells for or against his authorship I don't know. It's an intermittent kind of device and it would be hazardous to base any argument on statistics.
Switching speeches in mid-line is chiefly prominent in the
Countess scenes. Full stops in mid-line are a feature of the scenes between the
Prince and Audley at Poitiers
but are hardly found elsewhere.
(2009, 2014)
Labels: William Shakespeare
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