Thursday, August 24, 2023

Visiting Hove

 



Yesterday I gave my niece Tash a lift to her flat-share in Hove, and my eye caught the blue plaque a few doors up the street. 

John Leech was an illustrator for Punch, and also, now and then, for Charles Dickens, most famously in A Christmas Carol (1843) and its successors. 

Apparently the plaque is not quite accurate. 16 Lansdowne Place was actually a lodging house where, in February 1849, stayed Mr and Mrs Leech, Mr and Mrs Dickens, their two daughters and Dickens' sister-in-law. (Source: Judy Middleton's excellent Hove history blog, http://hovehistory.blogspot.com/2015/11/lansdowne-place-hove.html .)

Here's how Forster describes the 1849 visit:


His [Dickens'] first seaside holiday in 1849 was at Brighton, where he passed some weeks in February; and not, I am bound to add, without the usual unusual adventure to signalize his visit. He had not been a week in his lodgings, where Leech and his wife joined him, when both his landlord and the daughter of his landlord went raving mad, and the lodgers were driven away to the Bedford hotel. "If you could have heard the cursing and crying of the two; could have seen the physician and nurse quoited out into the passage by the madman at the hazard of their lives; could have seen Leech and me flying to the doctor's rescue; could have seen our wives pulling us back; could have seen the M.D. faint with fear; could have seen three other M.D.'s come to his aid; with an atmosphere of Mrs. Gamps, strait-waistcoats, struggling friends and servants, surrounding the whole; you would have said it was quite worthy of me, and quite in keeping with my usual proceedings." The letter ended with a word on what then his thoughts were full of, but for which no name had yet been found. "A sea-fog to-day, but yesterday inexpressibly delicious. My mind running, like a high sea, on names—not satisfied yet, though." When he next wrote from the seaside, in the beginning of July, he had found the name; had started his book; and was "rushing to Broadstairs" to write the fourth number of David Copperfield.

(Source: https://www.gutenberg.org/files/25851/25851-h/25851-h.htm .)

Was the story true? Doubtless it was, in outline. But Dickens was rather prone to dismissing people as "raving mad" if their behaviour inconvenienced him. When his marriage broke down a few years later, he would account for it by describing his wife's behaviour in the same way. Not, of course, an unusual thing to do.


"Mr Fezziwig's Ball", John Leech's frontispiece to A Christmas Carol

[Image source:  British Library (https://www.bl.uk/romantics-and-victorians/articles/the-origins-of-a-christmas-carol).]


Dickens had a high regard for "kind-hearted" Leech's gently satirical art, undiminished even by a massive blunder in one of the illustrations to The Battle of Life (which Dickens complained of to Forster, but couldn't face pointing out to Leech himself).

 Dickens saw him as having brought beauty into a line of art previously distinguished for cruel ugliness (e.g. Rowlandson, Gillray); in Leech, he wrote, caricature had become character. Perhaps he saw a kind of parallel to his own work when compared to fiercer predecessors like Smollett; no less trenchant but more broadly humane and open to sentiment. 



Looking down the street to the sea.


The view out back.


Another blue plaque further down the street. Charles Augustin Busby was the architect of this lower part of the street, and himself lived at No. 2 from 1829 until his death in 1834. Despite contributing so much to Hove's fine facades (e.g. here, Brunswick Square, Brunswick Terrace...), he died bankrupt.

*

But no visit to Hove should conclude without Lee Harwood, whose memorial bench stands in Brunswick Square. Here's a poem from his final  collection The Orchid Boat (2014).

*

Departures


         A hot summer night,
the sound of rain in the courtyard.
                 A satin breeze
         sways the curtains.
                    She wrote
                       ‘Gently I open
     my silk dress and float alone
       on the orchid boat. Who can
take a letter beyond the clouds?’ 
       All those years ago
                    And he wrote
‘A picture held us captive and we
        could not get outside it.’
         When the winter came
                    she wrote
   ‘I put on my new quilted robe
      sewn with gold thread.’
         Is that how you saw it? 
Passing a mirror in a dusky corridor
—that face, the tilt of those shoulders.
   Or in the bright light of morning
the details of your face in that mirror
—a picture, as though set, that maps
      the wear of years, dreams,
       that this is where we’ve come to,
    and the future best left to itself.
 The letter will reach the other side of the                                         mountains,
 clouds will roll back clear of the summits.
What was needed was done, but never done,
                         it’s never done.
           Plodding along the mountain path—
drifts of rain, streams sweeping across the path,
       cloud so low you can barely see the path
                 as you stumble on loose rock.
              How to imagine an orchid boat?
      It gets harder. But days come and go,
the sun comes out and everything seems to                                           sparkle
                 and the letter spirals away.
       The picture in the mirror seemed so real,
   though only caught that imprisoning moment.
  A golden leaf in autumn spins into a dark river
where the currents dance it underwater back                            and forth, side to side.
                          Without thinking
              I step aboard the orchid boat,
                            the feel of silk
            carrying me beyond all mirrors.



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Thursday, June 02, 2022

Charles Dickens et al: Somebody's Luggage (1862)




When Charles Dickens was preparing the extra Christmas Number of All the Year Round for 1862 he told potential contributors that "the tales are not supposed to be narrated to any audience, but are supposed to be in writing". It was an important clarification. In Somebody's Luggage the inset stories were to be pieces of writing discovered by the waiter Christopher, conceived as all written by the same unfortunate Somebody (who had secreted them in various articles of his abandoned luggage). 

This was indeed unlike the norm. Since 1852 the Christmas Numbers had been mostly framed as collections of stories that were told by various characters to each other, like a miniature Canterbury Tales; for instance in a charity lodging (The Seven Poor Travellers), an inn (The Holly Tree Inn), an open boat (The Wreck of The Golden Mary), a haunted house (The Haunted House), a club night (A Message from the Sea), a hermit's hovel (Tom Tiddler's Ground). 

It was a format that made sense. After all these Christmas Numbers, published a few days before each Christmas Eve and immensely popular (with sales approaching 300,000 at their peak), would probably be re-oralized at family firesides.  Family members might each read a different story aloud. The Christmas Number was thus a kit for domestic recreation, like sheet music for the piano. In 1862 it cost 4d, double the price and double the length of a normal weekly number. 

Anyway, Dickens' collaborators evidently took note of the point about their stories being written. In various ways they acknowledged their text's textuality (for instance, when John Oxenford's narrator comments on "the words I have italicised"). They also considered the narrator of their text. 

An orally recounted tale has by definition a first-person narrator, and such narrators do not need to be literary, they only need to be able to talk. This allows the possibility of stories told by such socially unprivileged voices as Poor Dick, the old seaman and the Scotch Boy (in The Wreck of the Golden Mary); or the various child narrators who appeared in the work of Dickens and other contributors (see Chapter 2 of Aine Helen McNicholas' thesis -- details below).

A story in writing is a different proposition. One option is to have an impersonal narrator (Dickens in "His Boots", and Julia Cecilia Stretton in her story of the complacent Mr Blorage, which is partly a drunken dream). A second approach is to have a first person narrator who is definitely portrayed as a writer: for example, Charles Allston Collins' narrator tells us at one point that he had "certain literary labours to which I was obliged to devote myself".

 A third approach, retaining some of the social inclusiveness of the oral tales, is to choose a narrator who is not normally a writer, but who takes to writing in exceptional circumstances. Dickens embraced that idea with relish, giving us the waiter Christopher of the frame stories, acutely conscious of appearing for the first and only time before a large public; giving us, too, the resentful Tom ("His Brown Paper Parcel") whose testament  "is looked over by a friend of mine, a ticket writer, that is up to literature".

John Oxenford's narrator is less easily defined, but not because we don't attend to him; on the contrary, he's as much on our minds as the superb ghost story he relates. He's a kind of flaneur, a bachelor from a good family, cultivated, apparently idle, comfortable but not ostentatiously wealthy, and agreeably selfish in small ways. Naturally we heartily enjoy his discomfiture at the claw-like hands of a haunted umbrella while secretly admiring him as a model, both in his selfishness and his humility; a narrator who's recognizably in the direct line leading to Three Men in a Boat (1889) and Bertie Wooster. He may have a job, and it might well be a literary one (a theatre critic like Oxenford himself?), but he has far too much taste to mention it.

Here he is in full flow:

I sneaked out of the parlour to the bar, endeavoured to ingratiate myself by asking for something cheap that I did not want (a biscuit, I think it was), and then with the grossest affectation of vagueness, propounded the following question:

"Excuse the liberty, but did not I overhear -- unintentionally, of course -- something about some person who walked in some field in some remarkable manner?"

"That's right, master," replied a man in a shaggy great-coat.

"Oh yes, quite correct," said the landlord, "but for further particulars you had better address yourself to this good lady here. You know there's some sort of knowledge that thrives best in the heads of elderly ladies," he added with a wink.

I am overwhelmed with shame and confusion when I write down the humiliating fact that I actually -- winked in return. If I were a member of Parliament, I wonder whether I should ever, by the remotest chance, find myself voting with the minority!

"Oh, the gentleman is quite welcome to hear the story if he likes," said the old lady: a most respectable inoffensive-looking person. "I don't care for a laugh or two."

How unworthy was I to walk on the same soil with that heroic old woman!

I shall not repeat the words of her narrative, for it was somewhat prolix, and abounded in details that did not bear directly on the main subject ...

After exchanging a look of bland superiority with the landlord -- despicable being that I was! -- I asked if the ghost were in the habit of carrying an umbrella. 

"Ho-ho-ho!" roared the landlord. "Why, of course it would, if it went out on a wet evening like this. Well,  that's a good 'un. The gentleman has given it her there, and no mistake; hasn't he, Jim?"

The man in the shaggy great-coat grunted his assent, with a low chuckle. And there was I -- wretch that I was -- allowing myself to be applauded for inflicting a stupid sarcasm on a defenceless female, when I firmly believed every word of her statement, and was merely endeavouring to satisfy my curiosity with reference to my strangely acquired treasure. I even joined in the laugh, and allowed them all, the old woman included, to believe that I regarded myself as an exceedingly witty and facetious person. The old woman merely observed that she knew nothing about umbrellas, and left the house in a state of irascibility that was not only justifiable, but highly laudable. As for me, I swaggered back into the parlour with the air of a conqueror by whom a worthy adversary has been valiantly demolished. 

(from John Oxenford, "His Umbrella")

Arthur Locker's story demonstrates another possibility of the written story; a text whose identity changes as we read. It begins as an apparently sober account of an adventure at sea. After a shipwreck the travellers and crew are marooned on an iceberg, and our sense of incredulity begins to be palpable; still more so when the iceberg providentially comes to rest in the harbour of Port Stephens on the Falkland Islands. But what really transforms our view of the story is its ending, in which the supposed witness and narrator, Mr Monkhouse, is slyly revealed as a Baron Munchausen: the whole performance is a "tall story", whose exposure wipes away any residue of belief in its contents, narrator included. 

*

What Dickens didn't need to tell his collaborators was the kind of thing that worked in a Christmas number. Each contribution was a party piece in a variety show; it must be diverting. All of these stories had an element of caprice. Melodrama, sentimentality, morality, adventure, but not gravity or tragedy. Realism was to be held at arm's length, deployed to various degrees but not embraced. Art was to be portrayed only as craft, or else as a sham or something one didn't mention. Mr Mopes (Tom Tiddler's Ground) was to be lightly abandoned, society must be fortified against such disturbing negativity. In Les Fleurs du Mal (1857) and Notes from Underground (1864), the Mr Mopeses were already stirring in response. (Arguably they stirred closer to home, say within the Collins brothers, even within Dickens' own heart.) 

Of the eighteen Christmas numbers Somebody's Luggage has been one of the most discussed, chiefly because of its wry glances at the teeming literature industry of Victorian times, of which the Christmas numbers are themselves notable examples. Anonymous literary labour, lack of appreciation, the profusion and recycling and destruction of printed matter, the eccentricities of hack authorship, the appropriation of others' work and reputation and style, are all themes touched on here, well treated for instance in Chapter I of Aine Helen McNicholas' thesis, and in the Hesperus editors' introduction (details below). I've tried not to go over the same ground too much. 

*

Something that the unspoken Christmas story format licensed, and which perhaps comes under the banner of "caprice", is the reckless mingling of different kinds of diversion. Thus John Oxenford's hilarious scenes of social discomfiture don't preclude the authentic chill of the hero's graphic nightmares or his gropings in the nocturnal lumber room. Charles Allston Collins' brilliant screenplay of dinner-party small talk at the ducal house of Creel is abruptly followed by a shocking riding accident; it is not the beautiful Miss Crawcour's career that is marred (as the narrator fears), but her beautiful face.  

*

I'm trying to get from that perception (such as it is) to saying something about Dickens' off-message contribution "His Boots". It's a story that's been dismissed as a piece of sentimentality, and it doesn't play to our interest in the Victorian literature industry. But of all the various entertainments in Somebody's Luggage it leaves the deepest impression.  

... All day long, upon the grass-grown ramparts of the town, practising soldiers trumpeted and bugled; all day long, down in angles of dry trenches, practising soldiers drummed and drummed.  Every forenoon, soldiers burst out of the great barracks into the sandy gymnasium-ground hard by, and flew over the wooden horse, and hung on to flying ropes, and dangled upside-down between parallel bars, and shot themselves off wooden platforms,—splashes, sparks, coruscations, showers of soldiers.  At every corner of the town-wall, every guard-house, every gateway, every sentry-box, every drawbridge, every reedy ditch, and rushy dike, soldiers, soldiers, soldiers.  And the town being pretty well all wall, guard-house, gateway, sentry-box, drawbridge, reedy ditch, and rushy dike, the town was pretty well all soldiers.

What would the sleepy old town have been without the soldiers, seeing that even with them it had so overslept itself as to have slept its echoes hoarse, its defensive bars and locks and bolts and chains all rusty, and its ditches stagnant!  From the days when VAUBAN engineered it to that perplexing extent that to look at it was like being knocked on the head with it, the stranger becoming stunned and stertorous under the shock of its incomprehensibility,—from the days when VAUBAN made it the express incorporation of every substantive and adjective in the art of military engineering, and not only twisted you into it and twisted you out of it, to the right, to the left, opposite, under here, over there, in the dark, in the dirt, by the gateway, archway, covered way, dry way, wet way, fosse, portcullis, drawbridge, sluice, squat tower, pierced wall, and heavy battery, but likewise took a fortifying dive under the neighbouring country, and came to the surface three or four miles off, blowing out incomprehensible mounds and batteries among the quiet crops of chicory and beet-root,—from those days to these the town had been asleep, and dust and rust and must had settled on its drowsy Arsenals and Magazines, and grass had grown up in its silent streets.

(from Charles Dickens, "His Boots")

There's often a secret quality to Dickens' writings about France. It isn't all about Ellen Ternan, either. The secret quality was there before he met her, in his Boulogne piece "Our French Watering Place" (November 1854). It was at Boulogne, too, that he and his family stayed with a M. Beaucourt-Mutuel, who had "about 150 soldiers" billeted on him. 

Nevertheless, the intensity and detail of these pages is undoubtedly connected with his mysterious trips to France in 1862, presumably with Ellen alongside or at journey's end (Dickens himself remarked in a letter, re the sales of Somebody's Luggage, “I wonder how many people among those purchasers have any idea of the numbers of hours of steamboat, railway train, dusty French walk, and looking out of window, boiled down in ‘His Boots?’”)

It would be nice to think that Dickens had spent some time at one of Vauban's fortified towns, but the letter doesn't say so and I'm not convinced. The town in "His Boots" has a remote dream-like quality, for instance in its sleepiness and apparent lack of a river, that doesn't seem a good match for, say, Besançon. Vauban's real fortifications aren't incomprehensible, but these ones are: nothing suggests that this "dull" "sleepy old" town, becalmed in weedy canals and chicory fields, has any strategic significance. Dickens' writing yearns towards the symbolic, as eventually made clear in its apostrophe to the "Vaubans of your own hearts".

It's a story, then, about the softening of a hard heart; in the familiar line of A Christmas Carol and Dombey and Son, and perfectly in tune with the Christmas season. Mr The Englishman's eventual forgiveness of his erring daughter (who has given birth to an illegitimate child) begins, here in France, with witnessing the young Corporal Théophile's love for little Bebelle, herself an illegitimate orphan. When the Corporal dies in a fire, Mr The Englishman adopts the unwanted Bebelle; modern readers may be rather taken aback by how simple it seems to have been ("a brief recourse to his purse and card case"). 

This however is to jump ahead to the midnight train and to him "skulking into his own lodging like a man pursued by Justice" (guilty of warm-heartedness); an image strangely reflected in John Oxenford's embarrassed hero dodging the servants: "I could almost fancy I was breaking into my own house". I confess I find the sentimental story quite moving, but I sense that this agony of the heart concerns the author as much as its lingistically-challenged hero. In its ordinary French people, the soldiers "able to turn to cleverly at anything, from a siege to soup, from great guns to needles and thread, from the broadsword exercise to slicing an onion, from making war to making omelettes", he registers a vision of something lost from his own eminent but curdled life. 

*

In the cemetery, "little round waiters, whereon were depicted in glowing hues either a lady or a gentleman with a white pocket handkerchief out of all proportion..." ("His Boots")

waiter: A salver or small tray (OED, sense 11).

Outside the pawn shop, [I] "lingered at neighbouring windows, contemplating objects wholly devoid of interest. How long I looked at some pigs' pettitoes in one shop, and at some blacking bottles in another, I cannot conjecture." ("His Umbrella")

pettitoes: Pigs' trotters. 

*

I realize I've largely neglected three of the authors of Somebody's Luggage, so here are some samples to finish:

A brood of young ducks, always erratic, obstinate, and greedy, had squeezed their mucilaginous little bodies through nothing, and were out on the loose, their vigilant foster mother, 'in a fine frenzy', clacking within the shut-up poultry house.  

(From Julia Cecilia Stretton, "His Portmanteau", story completed in "His Hat-Box")

"Stout ship? Ha, ha! Why, this is a softwood ship -- a regular New Brunswicker. She'd have no more chance against the ice, than a chaney cup again a soup-and-bully tin; and then, with all this here copper ore in her inside, down she'd go -- and you along with her."

"And you too, Tom."

"Well, I don't know about that. Sailors ain't like passengers. There's the boats to cut adrift. Besides, I'm on deck, and you'd be below, smothered like a rat in his hole."

(from Arthur Locker, "His Dressing Case")

"Oh, he's not such a bad fellow," he said, "when you come to know him. He's affected, you know, and pretends to be wonderfully refined, and to be a petit-maître, and all that, but he has his good points. We fellows who are always shooting, or fishing, or riding over stone dykes, are apt to undervalue a man of quieter tastes, and more sedentary pursuits. Sneyd goes in, you know, for being a sort of artist. ..."

(from Charles Allston Collins, "His Black Bag", story completed in "His Writing-Desk") 

Collins himself went in "for being a sort of artist". And Dickens, who lamented his favourite daughter Kate's marriage to Collins in 1860, probably saw his son-in-law more as a Sneyd type than as the manly but improvident Jack Fortescue. Collins, whose health was as poor as his brother's, was certainly no rider over stone dykes. What was worse in Dickens' eyes, Collins had by now jacked in being an artist and taken to writing instead; it was just the kind of dilettantism that Dickens despised; Kate was set on marrying a Henry Gowan! He blamed himself; he knew that his own dreadful behaviour to her mother had made Kate's life within the family intolerable. And his fears proved correct: the marriage was apparently not happy. All the same, Collins was an excellent painter and an excellent writer too. 







I've been reading Somebody's Luggage (Christmas 1862) in the 2006 Hesperus edition, edited by Melissa Valiska Gregory and Melisa Klimaszewski. [Hesperus have published quite a few of the Christmas Numbers in their complete form, with introductions and notes.]

Somebody's Luggage is one of the eighteen Christmas Numbers of Household Words and All The Year Round that Dickens "conducted" between 1850 and 1867. After the first few years Dickens typically provided a frame for a collection of diverse stories. The other approach (e.g. 1858, 1867) was a longer narrative written in collaboration with Wilkie Collins. 

*

This is a scratchpad of information I've gathered on Dickens' Christmas writings, but with particular emphasis on the eighteen collaborative Christmas numbers published between 1850 and 1867 in Household Words and All The Year Round.

They have most commonly been re-published in fragmentary form, i.e. just the bits written solely or mainly by Dickens (e.g. Somebody's Luggage here, on Project Gutenberg). But the links I've supplied in the list below are to the full text, i.e. including all the contributions by other authors. 

All of the Christmas numbers can be read in their entirety on Dickens Journals Online, which is an amazing resource. But it retains the original lineation of those double-column pages, which doesn't make for a very pleasant on-screen reading experience. 

I had written most of this note when I discovered Aine Helen McNicholas' brilliant PhD thesis Dickens by Numbers: the Christmas Numbers of Household Words and All The Year Round (University of York, 2015). https://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10391 . Her Appendix supplies a more detailed and complete list, including information about every one of the 130-odd contributions. 


Dickens Christmas writings. 

The Christmas Books (Dickens as sole author):

A Christmas Carol (Chapman & Hall, 19 December 1843, sold out by Christmas Eve)
The Chimes (Chapman & Hall, 1844)
The Cricket on the Hearth (Bradbury & Evans, 20 December 1845)
The Battle of Life (Bradbury & Evans, 1846)

[In 1847 Dickens agonized about what to do. He wanted to concentrate on Dombey and Son, so decided against a Christmas publication for that year, but he wrote to Forster that he was "loath to lose the money" and even "more so to leave any gap at Christmas firesides which I ought to fill".]

The Haunted Man (Bradbury & Evans, 19 December 1848)

In Household Words:  

[When published these Christmas Numbers, like the regular numbers, were simply "Conducted by Charles Dickens". No other authors were named.]

Christmas Number (21 December 1850): This was in fact the regular number of Household Words, but was devoted to seasonal pieces by various authors, mainly essays rather than fiction. Dickens began it with "The Christmas Tree". The number went down very well, and henceforth it was decided to produce an "extra" number each Christmas. 

Extra Christmas Number (1851): Seasonal pieces by various authors, mainly essays rather than fiction. Included Dickens' "What Christmas Is, As We Grow Older".

Extra Christmas Number (1852): A Round of Stories by the Christmas Fire. Stories. "The Poor Relation's Story" (Dickens), "The Child's Story" (Dickens), "Somebody's Story" (William Moy Thomas), "The Old Nurse's Story" (Elizabeth Gaskell), "The Host's Story" (Edmund Ollier), "The Grandfather's Story" (the Rev. James White), "The Charwoman's Story" (Edmund Saul Dixon), "The Deaf Playmate's Story" (Harriet Martineau), "The Guest's Story" (Samuel Sidney) and "The Mother's Story" (Eliza Griffiths). This was the first number to increase the length from the standard 24 double-column pages to 32. [Available in Hesperus Editions.]

Extra Christmas Number (1853): Another Round of Stories by the Christmas Fire. Stories, by Dickens, Elizabeth Gaskell, George Augustus Sala and others. 

Extra Christmas Number (1854): The Seven Poor Travellers, framed stories. Dickens wrote the frame and the narrator's own story. Other stories were written by Wilkie Collins, George Augustus Sala, Adelaide Anne Procter, Mrs. Lynn Linton. [Available in Hesperus Editions.]

Extra Christmas Number (1855): The Holly Tree Inn, framed stories. Dickens wrote the frame and one of the inset stories ("The Boots"). Other stories were by Wilkie Collins, William Howitt, Adelaide Anne Procter, and Harriet Parr (aka Holme Lee). [Available in Hesperus Editions.]

Extra Christmas Number (1856): The Wreck of the Golden Mary, main narrative with inset stories. Dickens wrote most of the first part ("The Wreck"), except for an addendum by Wilkie Collins. The second part ("The Beguilement in the Boats") consisted of five inset stories by four authors: The armourer's story (Percy Fitzgerald), poor Dick's story (Harriet Parr aka Holme Lee), the supercargo's story (Percy Fitzgerald), an old seaman's ballad (Adelaide Anne Procter) and the Scotch boy's story (the Rev. James White). The third part ("The Deliverance") was by Wilkie Collins. Full text: https://www.fadedpage.com/books/20180640/html.php  . [Available in Hesperus Editions.]

NB The Lazy Tour of Two Idle Apprentices, by Dickens and Wilkie Collins, was not a Christmas story. It came out over several numbers in October 1857. [Available in Hesperus Editions.]

Extra Christmas Number (1857): The Perils of Certain English Prisoners, story by Dickens and Wilkie Collins. Full text on Google Books.

Extra Christmas Number (1858): A House to Let, collaborative story. The first and last chapters were collaborations by Charles Dickens and Wilkie Collins. The chapters in between were "The Manchester Marriage" (Elizabeth Gaskell), "Going into Society" (Dickens), "Three Evenings in the House" (Adelaide Anne Procter), "Trottle's Report" (Wilkie Collins). [Available in Hesperus Editions.]



In All The Year Round:

Extra Christmas Number (1859): The Haunted House, framed stories. Dickens wrote the frame narrative and two of the inset ghost stories. The others are by Hesba Stretton, George Augustus Sala, Adelaide Anne Procter, ​Wilkie Collins, and Elizabeth Gaskell. Full text on Google Books. With the advent of All the Year Round the length of the extra number was once more increased, from 32 double-column pages to 48. 

Extra Christmas Number (1860): A Message from the Sea, story/framed stories. Chapter 1 ("The Village") by Charles Dickens. Chapter 2 ("The Money") by Dickens and Wilkie Collins. Chapter 3 ("The Club-Night") by Dickens with inset stories by Charles Allston Collins, Harriet Parr (Holme Lee), Robert Buchanan (poem), H.F. Chorley, and Amelia B. Edwards. Chapter 4 ("The Seafaring Man") by Wilkie Collins. Chapter 5 ("The Restitution") by Dickens and Wilkie Collins.  Full text on Google Books.

Extra Christmas Number (1861): Tom Tiddler's Ground, framed stories. Dickens wrote the frame and the last of the inset stories. The others were by Charles Allston Collins, Amelia B. Edwards, Wilkie Collins and John Harwood. Full text on Google Books.

Extra Christmas Number (1862): Somebody's Luggage, framed stories. Dickens wrote the frame and two of the inset stories. One of them, "His Brown Paper Parcel", was written to replace a planned contribution by Wilkie Collins, who was too ill. The others were by John Oxenford, Charles Allston Collins, Arthur Locker and Julia Cecilia Stretton. Full text on Google Books. [Available in Hesperus Editions.]

Extra Christmas Number (1863): Mrs Lirriper's Lodgings, framed stories. Dickens wrote the frame. The other stories were "How the First Floor went to Crowley Castle" (Elizabeth Gaskell), "How the Side-Room was Attended by a Doctor" (Andrew Halliday), "How the Second-Floor Kept a Dog" (Edmund H. Yates), "How the Third-Floor Knew the Potteries" (Amelia B. Edwards) and "How the Best Attic was Under a Cloud" (Charles Allston Collins). Full text on Google Books. [Available in Hesperus Editions.]

Extra Christmas Number (1864): Mrs Lirriper's Legacy, framed stories. Dickens wrote the frame. Inset stories by Charles Allston Collins, Rosa Mulholland, Henry Spicer, Amelia B. Edwards, and Hesba Stretton. Full text on Google Books. [Available in Hesperus Editions.]

Extra Christmas Number (1865): Doctor Marigold's Prescriptions, framed stories. Dickens wrote the outer frame and one inset story. The others were by Rosa Mulholland, Charles Allston Collins, Hesba Stretton, Walter Thornbury, and Mrs. Gascoyne. Full text on Google Books.  [Available in Hesperus Editions.]

Extra Christmas Number (1866): Mugby Junction, framed stories. Dickens wrote two introductory chapters and the first two inset stories. Other stories were by Andrew Halliday, Charles Allston Collins, Hesba Stretton and Amelia B. Edwards. Full text on Google Books. [Available in Hesperus Editions.]

Extra Christmas Number (1867): No Thoroughfare, story by Dickens and Wilkie Collins, based on their play of the same year. Full text on Google Books.

[In 1868, Dickens intended a Christmas Number, but lamented in a letter to Wills:  

I have been, and still am -- which is worse -- in a positive state of despair about the Xmas No. I cannot get an idea for it which is in the least satisfactory to me, and yet I have been steadily trying all this month. I have invented so many of these Christmas Nos. and they are so profoundly unsatisfactory after all with the introduced Stories and their want of cohesion or originality, that I fear I am sick of the thing. I have had serious thoughts of abandoning the Xmas No.! There remain but August and September to give to it (as I begin to read in October), and I CAN NOT see it. 

And so it would prove; he never produced another Christmas Number. Apparently Dickens couldn't contemplate delegating the whole thing to other hands. It had to be his show.]


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Wednesday, November 24, 2021

Strike leftward!

Mill near the Grande Chartreuse, watercolour (c. 1812-15) by J.M.W Turner






Matthew Arnold is my favourite Victorian poet. It's silly to have favourites, and I'm mainly saying this to suggest the shallowness of my engagement with Victorian poetry.  

My favourite Victorian poet used to be Robert Browning, but that was back in the days when I was more interested in the surface feel of a poem than in having any meaningful communication with it. (I'm sure it's possible to have a conversation with Browning, but my experience is that it doesn't start up so naturally.)  Anyway, this post is a kind of conversation with one of Arnold's poems. 



Stanzas from the Grande Chartreuse


(by Matthew Arnold, written 1851-1854?, first published in Fraser's Magazine, April 1855. First appeared in book form, lightly revised, in New Poems, 1867 (where it was the penultimate poem, followed by Obermann Once More). There were further revisions in the 1881 Poems by Matthew Arnold, and the 1885 Poems by Matthew Arnold. Like Poetry Foundation and PoemHunter I'm quoting the 1885 text. I've noted substantive changes, but not the numerous differences of punctuation, capitalization, etc. I've also numbered the stanzas for ease of reference; they were not numbered by the poet. 



(1)

Through Alpine meadows soft-suffused
With rain, where thick the crocus blows,
Past the dark forges long disused,
The mule-track from Saint Laurent goes.
The bridge is cross'd, and slow we ride,
Through forest, up the mountain-side.

The stanza form is six tetrameters, rhyming ababcc -- A swifter variant of rhyme royal. The rhyme scheme ababcc is the same as in Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis, but the lines there are pentameters (in The Rape of Lucrece and The Lover's Complaint, Shakespeare switched to rhyme royal (ababbcc)).  Wordsworth used tetrameter ababcc in "I wandered lonely as a cloud", but that consists of only four stanzas; Arnold's poem has 35 stanzas.

As in Venus and Adonis, the initial promise is of exciting narrative with an energetic forward momentum.  

crocus: Probably Colchicum autumnale, an autumn-flowering crocus relative. The date of Arnold's visit was 7 September 1851.

Saint Laurent: Saint-Laurent-du-Pont, towards the west of the Massif de Chartreuse. 

(2)

The autumnal evening darkens round,
The wind is up, and drives the rain;
While, hark! far down, with strangled sound
Doth the Dead Guier's stream complain,
Where that wet smoke, among the woods,
Over his boiling cauldron broods.

When you ascend the small river Guiers, in Isère, it branches into the Guiers Mort and the Guiers Vif. Compare Wordsworth in the passage from the Prelude given below: "along their several beds, / Murmured the sister streams of Life and Death".

far down: The Guiers Mort is mainly set in a deep gorge.

For Susan E. Lorsch, nature here is "designified": it carries no message other than what humans themselves project onto it; in marked contrast with Wordsworth's lines on the same scene in Book 6 of The Prelude (quoted below). "This is perhaps the only poem in the Arnold canon that shows a concern with the method of landscape depiction itself as a reflector of a particular conception of nature. In 'Stanzas' Arnold seems to realize that the theme of nature's designification must have technical implications for the poetry that embodies that theme" (p. 46).... "... Arnold's unease with the process of metaphorizing nature is clear. On the one hand, Arnold seems reluctant falsely to infuse designified, unmeaning nature with meaning, that is, to metaphorize it. On the other hand, he resists relegating landscape description to the role of background, for it has such a powerful impact on modern humanity's consciousness" (p. 49).

Susan E. Lorsch, Where Nature Ends: Literary Responses to the Designification of Landscape (1983), pp. 46-49.

(For another instance of designified nature in an Alpine context, see the extract from David Copperfield quoted below.)

(3)

Swift rush the spectral vapours white
Past limestone scars with ragged pines,
Showing—then blotting from our sight!—
Halt—through the cloud-drift something shines!
High in the valley, wet and drear,
The huts of Courrerie appear.

Swift: 1867 and later. "Fast" (1855).

Courrerie: Currière-en-Chartreuse, where there are monastic dwellings (formerly Carthusian; now a monastery (1974) and convent (1991) belonging to the offshoot contemplative order Monastic Family of Bethlehem, of the Assumption of the Virgin and of Saint Bruno, founded in 1950; the order has been recently investigated following allegations of abuse of authority dating from 2001). 

(4)

Strike leftward! cries our guide; and higher
Mounts up the stony forest-way.
At last the encircling trees retire;
Look! through the showery twilight grey
What pointed roofs are these advance?—
A palace of the Kings of France?

(5)

Approach, for what we seek is here!
Alight, and sparely sup, and wait
For rest in this outbuilding near;
Then cross the sward and reach that gate.
Knock; pass the wicket! Thou art come
To the Carthusians' world-famed home.

The poem continues to ascend higher, arriving at the Grande Chartreuse, head monastery of the Carthusian order (founded 1084 CE). In Matthew Arnold's day travellers were still admitted, as described in the poem. That's not the case now. Instead there's a museum for passing tourists, two kilometers away from the actual monastery. 

According to an informative article by Gerald Roberts ("Faith and Dejection: Arnold's "Stanzas from the Grande Chartreuse" and Hopkins's Wreck of the Deutschland" ), Arnold and his new wife stayed overnight at the Grande Chartreuse (Sunday 7th September - Monday 8th September 1851) during their honeymoon. Their marriage had become possible because Arnold had been appointed an Inspector of Schools in April 1851: a very onerous job in its early years, involving constant travel across England. They married two months later (July), but the honeymoon was delayed until September.  

The poem largely leaves women out of it: a bit like the monastery itself. The near presence of Arnold's wife in its narrative (e.g. in the "outbuilding" of this stanza) is pretty well hidden.

Here's what Frances Lucy Arnold wrote in a letter: 

... The Grande Chartreuse I was not going to turn my back upon: as women are not admitted I was lodged in a small house not far from the monastery where I spent rather an uncomfortable time as it was bitterly cold. Matt was allowed to have supper with me, but at 1/2 past 7 he was turned out & went into the monastery where he had a cell to sleep in. He got up at 11 and went to the Chapel & heard midnight mass, which he said was very striking, the monks chaunting the service in a low monotonous tone, each holding a taper: indeed every man had one and the Chapel was lighted in that way. In the morning I went to a small chapel: also for ladies, where I heard mass, the Père Superieur of the Chartreuse officiating. The situation of the monastery is very fine & the size immense, but it looked dreadfully gloomy. The weather was bad as there was a fog the whole time we were there & it was raw cold. 

Source: James H. Broderick "Two Notes on Arnold's 'Grande Chartreuse'" (Modern Philology Vol 66 No. 2 (Nov.1968), pp. 157-162) https://www.jstor.org/stable/435837


(6)

The silent courts, where night and day
Into their stone-carved basins cold
The splashing icy fountains play—
The humid corridors behold!
Where, ghostlike in the deepening night,
Cowl'd forms brush by in gleaming white.

(7)

The chapel, where no organ's peal
Invests the stern and naked prayer—
With penitential cries they kneel
And wrestle; rising then, with bare
And white uplifted faces stand,
Passing the Host from hand to hand;

no organ's peal: Carthusian houses forbid the use of any musical instruments.

There are some difficulties with reconciling Arnold's account with real Carthusian practice, and for a while it was even supposed that Arnold made up his details and perhaps didn't know or care what actually happened at the Grande Chartreuse. Actually his wife's letter shows that he did attend services, though she was not accurate in referring to "midnight mass". The details are discussed by Charles T. Dougherty in "What Arnold Saw and Heard at La 'Grande Chartreuse'" (Victorian Poetry, vol. 18 no. 4 (Winter, 1980), pp. 393-399):

"The more likely schedule is that Arnold got to bed around 8:00 p.m. He rose at 11:00 p.m. and, holding a candle in his hand, attended the Night Vigil and heard the monks chanting Matins and Lauds. He would be back in bed at about 2:00 a.m. He would rise again about 5:30 a.m. and go to the church for Prime of the canonical office, which would be followed by a Mass. At this Mass Arnold would have seen the passing of the pax brede and might easily have mistaken it for the passing of a Host from hand to hand. ... Arnold rendered with fidelity what he saw, or thought he saw, and heard that night at la Grande Chartreuse." (Dougherty, p. 399). 

(8)

Each takes, and then his visage wan
Is buried in his cowl once more.
The cells!—the suffering Son of Man
Upon the wall—the knee-worn floor—
And where they sleep, that wooden bed,
Which shall their coffin be, when dead!


As Dougherty points out, the monks being buried in their beds (or coffins) when they die is incorrect. But it was a widely circulated tale, and Arnold probably believed it was true.

(9)

The library, where tract and tome
Not to feed priestly pride are there,
To hymn the conquering march of Rome,
Nor yet to amuse, as ours are!
They paint of souls the inner strife,
Their drops of blood, their death in life.

(10)

The garden, overgrown—yet mild,
See, fragrant herbs are flowering there!
Strong children of the Alpine wild
Whose culture is the brethren's care;
Of human tasks their only one,
And cheerful works beneath the sun.

See, fragrant herbs: 1881 and later. "Those fragrant herbs" (1855, 1867). 

Presumably referring to the manufacture of the liqueur that sustains the order's finances. Today the liqueur is produced at a nearby distillery: around a million bottles per year. The herbal base is still prepared within the Grande Chartreuse, its secret known to just two monks.

children: the first appearance of a word whose use becomes increasingly prominent (considering that real children are entirely absent), and increasingly complex. See especially Stanzas 14 and 29ff.  

(11)

Those halls, too, destined to contain
Each its own pilgrim-host of old,
From England, Germany, or Spain—
All are before me! I behold
The House, the Brotherhood austere!
—And what am I, that I am here?

(12)

For rigorous teachers seized my youth,
And purged its faith, and trimm'd its fire,
Show'd me the high, white star of Truth,
There bade me gaze, and there aspire.
Even now their whispers pierce the gloom:
What dost thou in this living tomb?

purged: 1867 and later.  "prun'd" (1855).
trimm'd: 1867 and later. "quench'd" (1855). 
high, white:1867 and later.  "pale cold" (1855).
living tomb: referring back to Stanzas 8 and 9. 

(13)

Forgive me, masters of the mind!
At whose behest I long ago
So much unlearnt, so much resign'd—
I come not here to be your foe!
I seek these anchorites, not in ruth,
To curse and to deny your truth;


Not to deny, anyway. Arnold lost his faith in his teens (I read somewhere) and he stuck to that position until his death. Religion contained morality and emotion, he said, but not facts. The poem, however, registers an inner conflict. 

(14)

Not as their friend, or child, I speak!
But as, on some far northern strand,
Thinking of his own Gods, a Greek
In pity and mournful awe might stand
Before some fallen Runic stone—
For both were faiths, and both are gone.


Not as their friend, or child, I speak: And yet, later in the poem, he does conceive himself and his generation as children reared beneath an abbey wall (Stanza 29), and he does speak for these imagined children (Stanzas 33 - 35). 

So, does the analogy work like this? The Greek in a foreign land = Arnold in the Alps; the Greek's own gods = the Protestantism/Anglicanism of Arnold’s upbringing; the fallen Runic Stone = Chartreuse, relic of a different yet equally fading faith (Catholicism) ? I think that's the general idea, but it highlights some contradictions. Chartreuse was after all not a ruin (like the "fallen Runic stone") but a functioning monastery. If it was in some sense a "living tomb" (Stanza 12) the death in question was not the death of faith but, on the contrary, the death of the world to the faithful. At the same time, you can see why this atavistic Carthusianism,  this handful of pallid and wasted forms, might affect Arnold emotionally as a mad remnant of a bygone era, the Age of Faith in a stricter sense. 

The poem here, and later, is much occupied with the paradox that people and practices that are older than us are in another sense younger; they belong to a younger age, whereas we who are young in years belong to an older age.

In a less restricted sense, both Protestantism and Catholicism were booming in 1851; in terms of church building, in terms of sheer numbers of adherents... . It's in Arnold's own post-religious mind that Protestantism and Catholicism are dying faiths. 

(And another point occurs to me, though it's not exactly a contradiction: why does Arnold's analogy seem to be anxiously justifying his visit to fellow Protestants, quite as much as to the "masters of the mind" -- secular humanists presumably? )



(15)

Wandering between two worlds, one dead,
The other powerless to be born,
With nowhere yet to rest my head,
Like these, on earth I wait forlorn.
Their faith, my tears, the world deride—
I come to shed them at their side.

(16)

Oh, hide me in your gloom profound,
Ye solemn seats of holy pain!
Take me, cowl'd forms, and fence me round,
Till I possess my soul again;
Till free my thoughts before me roll,
Not chafed by hourly false control!

Take me, cowl'd forms, and fence me round,: 1867 and later. "Invest me, steep me, fold me round," (1855).

(17)

For the world cries your faith is now
But a dead time's exploded dream;
My melancholy, sciolists say,
Is a pass'd mode, an outworn theme—
As if the world had ever had
A faith, or sciolists been sad!

sciolists: pretentious, superficial or amateur scholars. 

(18)

Ah, if it be pass'd, take away,
At least, the restlessness, the pain;
Be man henceforth no more a prey
To these out-dated stings again!
The nobleness of grief is gone—
Ah, leave us not the fret alone!

fret: 1867 and later. "pang" (1855).

(19)

But—if you cannot give us ease—
Last of the race of them who grieve
Here leave us to die out with these
Last of the people who believe!
Silent, while years engrave the brow;
Silent—the best are silent now.

(20)

Achilles ponders in his tent,
The kings of modern thought are dumb;
Silent they are, though not content,
And wait to see the future come.
They have the grief men had of yore,
But they contend and cry no more.


Achilles: An odd inclusion in this context, the petulant Achilles sulking in his tent. I feel I'm missing something here. It's been suggested that Arnold might have been referring sympathetically to the much-criticized Lord Raglan in 1854 (See Neff, D.S. "The Times, the Crimean War, and 'Stanzas from the Grande Chartreuse.' (influences of the London Times on poet Matthew Arnold)." Papers on Language & Literature, vol. 33, no. 2, spring 1997, pp. 169+).

(21)

Our fathers water'd with their tears
This sea of time whereon we sail,
Their voices were in all men's ears
Who pass'd within their puissant hail.
Still the same ocean round us raves,
But we stand mute, and watch the waves.

Our fathers: 1867 and later. "Their fathers" (1855)
Who pass'd: 1855 and later. "We pass'd" (presumably a typo) on Poetry Foundation and PoemHunter. 
But we stand mute: 1867 and later. "But they stand mute" (1855)

Our fathers, i.e. the immediately preceding generation, conceived as more openly tearful than Arnold's own. 

(22)

For what avail'd it, all the noise
And outcry of the former men?—
Say, have their sons achieved more joys,
Say, is life lighter now than then?
The sufferers died, they left their pain—
The pangs which tortured them remain.

achieved: 1855,  restored in 1881 and later. "obtain'd" (1867).


(23)

What helps it now, that Byron bore,
With haughty scorn which mock'd the smart,
Through Europe to the Ætolian shore
The pageant of his bleeding heart?
That thousands counted every groan,
And Europe made his woe her own?

The three authors that exemplify the "outcry" (Stanza 22) are united by the open expression of their anguish, and also by a basically anti-religious outlook. Their several agonies weren't the same as Arnold's, though; at least I don't recall any of them expressing any sadness about the passing of faith.

The first is Byron, wearing his suffering on his sleeve. With particular reference to Childe Harold's Pilgrimage (1812-1818), the expression of a mood of world-weariness that struck a chord right across Europe. 

pageant: Arnold critically noting the element of exhibitionism in Byron.

Ætolian shore: Byron died in Missolonghi on 19 April 1824. Close to the ancient region of Aetolia, though strictly speaking it's in Acarnania.

(24)

What boots it, Shelley! that the breeze
Carried thy lovely wail away,
Musical through Italian trees
Which fringe thy soft blue Spezzian bay?
Inheritors of thy distress
Have restless hearts one throb the less?

Which fringe: 1881 and later. "That fringe" (1855, 1867). 
soft blue: 1867 and later. "dark blue" (1855). 

Spezzian bay: The bay of La Spezia, on the NW coast of Italy (half-way between Genoa and Livorno), where Shelley made his last home and where he drowned. 

(25)

Or are we easier, to have read,
O Obermann! the sad, stern page,
Which tells us how thou hidd'st thy head
From the fierce tempest of thine age
In the lone brakes of Fontainebleau,
Or chalets near the Alpine snow?

Obermann, the semi-fictional letter-writer of Senancour's Obermann, a book that meant a lot to Arnold. I wrote more about it here:

I'm not sure if it's relevant to Arnold's poem, but in Obermann the subject of the Grande Chartreuse crops up in Letter XXI. 

J’étais bien différent dans ces temps où il était possible que j’aimasse. J’avais été romanesque dans mon enfance et alors encore j’imaginai une retraite selon mes goûts. J’avais faussement réuni, dans un point du Dauphiné, l’idée des formes alpestres à celles d’un climat d’oliviers, de citronniers ; mais enfin le mot de Chartreuse m’avait frappé : c’était là, près de Grenoble, que je rêvais ma demeure. Je croyais alors que des lieux heureux faisaient beaucoup pour une vie heureuse ; et que là, avec une femme aimée, je posséderais cette félicité inaltérable dont le besoin remplissait mon cœur trompé.

Mais voici une chose bien étrange, dont je ne puis rien conclure, et dont je n’affirmerai rien, sinon que le fait est tel. Je n’avais jamais rien vu, rien lu, que je sache, qui m’eût donné quelque connaissance du local de la Grande Chartreuse. Je savais uniquement que cette solitude était dans les montagnes du Dauphiné. Mon imagination composa, d’après cette notion confuse et d’après ses propres penchants, le site où devait être le monastère, et, près de lui, ma demeure. Elle approcha singulièrement de la vérité. Voyant longtemps après une gravure qui représentait ces mêmes lieux, je me dis, avant d’avoir lu : Voilà la Grande Chartreuse ; tant elle me rappela ce que j’avais imaginé. Et quand il se trouva que c’était elle effectivement, cela me fit frémir de surprise et de regret ; il me sembla que j’avais perdu une chose qui m’était comme destinée. Depuis ce projet de ma première jeunesse, je n’entends point sans une émotion pleine d’amertume ce mot Chartreuse.

Translation (mostly by Google Translate):

I was very different in those times when I could possibly have loved. I had been romantic in my childhood and now once more I imagined a retreat according to my tastes. I had falsely united, in respect of the Dauphiné, the idea of ​​alpine forms with those of a climate of olive trees, lemon trees; but in the end, the word "Chartreuse" struck me: it was there, near Grenoble, that I dreamed of making my home. I believed then that happy places did a lot for a happy life; and that there, with a beloved woman, I would possess that unalterable happiness whose need filled my deceived heart.

But here is a very strange thing, from which I cannot conclude anything, and from which I will not affirm anything, except that such is the fact. I had never seen or read anything I know of that would have given me any knowledge of the premises of the Grande Chartreuse. I only knew that this solitude was in the Dauphiné mountains. My imagination composed, according to this confused notion and according to its own inclinations, the site where the monastery was to be, and, near it, my abode. I approached the truth to a surprising degree. Seeing, a long time after, an engraving which represented this same spot, I said to myself, before having read the title: That's the Grande Chartreuse; it reminded me of what I had imagined. And when it turned out that this was indeed the case, it made me shudder with surprise and regret; it seemed to me that I had lost something that was meant to be mine. Since this project of my early youth, I have never heard the word Chartreuse without an emotion full of bitterness.

Obermann subsequently refers to his own remote alpine chalet as a "chartreuse" in Letters LXVII and LXVIII. 

And in Letter LXXXII he plans to finally visit the Grande Chartreuse.  

(26)

Ye slumber in your silent grave!—
The world, which for an idle day
Grace to your mood of sadness gave,
Long since hath flung her weeds away.
The eternal trifler breaks your spell;
But we—we learned your lore too well!

Ye... your... your... your: 1867 and later. "They", "their", "their", "their" (1855)
flung: 1867 and later. "thrown" (1855)

Ye: the plural form, so Arnold is addressing all three dead writers. Byron's vast popularity might seem rather more than the grace of an idle day (at any rate compared with Arnold's niche reading of Obermann), but Arnold's point is that, in any case, the shallow world has moved on from all of them. 

The eternal trifler: the ever-recurring figure of the mocker; mocking, in particular, what was once revered.  


(27)

Years hence, perhaps, may dawn an age,
More fortunate, alas! than we,
Which without hardness will be sage,
And gay without frivolity.
Sons of the world, oh, speed those years;
But, while we wait, allow our tears!

Years hence, perhaps, may dawn an age: 1881 and later. "There may, perhaps, yet dawn an age" (1855, 1867). 
speed those years: 1881 and later. "haste those years" (1855, 1867)
But, while we wait, : 1881 and later. "But, till they rise," (1855, 1867)

Perhaps one place this age may have dawned was in Robert Louis Stevenson's Travels with a Donkey in the Cévennes (1879); at least according to Sarah Barnette. Stevenson quotes "And what am I, that I am here?" (Stanza 11) as a chapter epigraph."Yet Stevenson, I think, poses Arnold’s question quite differently—not in a spirit of mournfulness or pity, but in one of buoyant expectation. Arnold’s narrator is 'forlorn' and despairing, whereas there lingers about Stevenson’s journey an atmosphere of lightheartedness and hope."

Sarah Barnette, "A 'Brave Reading' of One's Faith: Robert Louis Stevenson's Spiritual Travels" (Renovatio, 22 June 2021).
(Stevenson, like Arnold, was negotiating the loss of his childhood faith.)

(28)

Allow them! We admire with awe
The exulting thunder of your race;
You give the universe your law,
You triumph over time and space!
Your pride of life, your tireless powers,
We laud them, but they are not ours.

We laud them: 1885. "They awe us" (1855). "We mark them" (1867). "We praise them" (1881). Arnold got there eventually. "We mark them" is too cold; "We praise them" seems to imply outright acclaim, and thus risks sounding sarcastic. "We laud them" has just the right balance: paying due tribute, but without real enthusiasm. 

(29)

We are like children rear'd in shade
Beneath some old-world abbey wall,
Forgotten in a forest-glade,
And secret from the eyes of all.
Deep, deep the greenwood round them waves,
Their abbey, and its close of graves!

Via an adroit "like", Arnold's poem slips away into an analogical scene, a sunny greenwood scene with an old abbey and a stream, and remains there. The new scene differs markedly from the Grande Chartreuse locus in various ways, e.g in being sunny, and notably in being purely imaginary. Comparable to the way Arnold ends "The Scholar-Gipsy", with its extended analogy of the "Tyrian trader". 

Yet this analogical scene also glimmeringly resembles the Grande Chartreuse: e.g. its abbey shadowing the monastery, its stream shadowing the "Dead Guiers". Moreover, the Grande Chartreuse is in fact surrounded by woods, though not closely (the "encircling trees" of Stanza 4). And the "passing troops" here strangely recall those who came to expel the Carthusian monks in 1790, as recounted by Wordsworth (see below).

Dougherty (see note on Stanza 7) describes this new scene as "distant recollections of Rugby Chapel and St. Mary's" (p. 394). Doubtless those personal memories play a part, but surely the new scene is not a real place. The physical location of the first half of the poem is transmuted into a psychological dreamscape, with its characteristic blend of surface illogic and deeper consonance. 

(30)

But, where the road runs near the stream,
Oft through the trees they catch a glance
Of passing troops in the sun's beam—
Pennon, and plume, and flashing lance!
Forth to the world those soldiers fare,
To life, to cities, and to war!

Forth to the world those soldiers fare,: 1867 and later. "Forth to the mighty world they fare" (1855).

This imaginary scene has a timeless romantic quasi-medieval character: these plumes and pennons and lances could indeed be the accoutrements of modern soldiers even in 1851 (it was the First World War that really ended the use of lances); but the atmosphere is more like the romanticized history of a Scott poem (e.g. Lay of the Last Minstrel, Harold the Dauntless...)

(31)

And through the wood, another way,
Faint bugle-notes from far are borne,
Where hunters gather, staghounds bay,
Round some fair forest-lodge at morn.
Gay dames are there, in sylvan green;
Laughter and cries—those notes between!

wood: 1881 and later. "woods" (1855, 1867)
fair forest-lodge: 1885. "old forest-lodge" (1855, 1867, 1881). 

(32)

The banners flashing through the trees
Make their blood dance and chain their eyes;
That bugle-music on the breeze
Arrests them with a charm'd surprise.
Banner by turns and bugle woo:
Ye shy recluses, follow too!

their ... their ... them: "They" are the children of Stanza 29. (And not the immediately precedent "gay dames", who could hardly be surprised by bugle-music from their own hunting party.)

(33)

O children, what do ye reply?—
"Action and pleasure, will ye roam
Through these secluded dells to cry
And call us?—but too late ye come!
Too late for us your call ye blow,
Whose bent was taken long ago.

O children: i.e. the children of Stanza 29. 

Perhaps it's all part of the dream illogic, but it's odd that they are presented as children, yet the argument they deploy is from the settled habit of age ("too late ye come" ... "long ago" ...): You can't teach an old dog new tricks, so to speak. These "shy recluses", these hauntingly superannuated, inactive "children" (representing the thirty-ish Matthew Arnold among others) are a case of arrested development: a rather characteristic Victorian image. The truly young people in the poem are the "sons of the world" (Stanza 27); those who accept the present for what it is and who actively engage in its works and pleasures, and thus develop into adulthood: represented here as the enthusiastic soldiers (Stanza 30) and the gay dames in the hunting party (Stanza 31). 


(34)

"Long since we pace this shadow'd nave;
We watch those yellow tapers shine,
Emblems of hope over the grave,
In the high altar's depth divine;
The organ carries to our ear
Its accents of another sphere.

Emblems of hope over the grave,: 1867 and later. "Emblems of light above the grave" (1855)

organ: another marked difference with the earlier locus. At the Grande Chartreuse there is no organ (see Stanza 7).

The poem treads a fine line along the very edge of faith, or superstition. The children watch the yellow tapers, "emblems of hope over the grave"; it doesn't mean they share the hope itself, but it does suggest that they experience an obscure second-hand comfort from contemplating the emblem of hope set by others. Likewise their response to the organ music is about its evocation of the "accents of another sphere". How can their deep involvement in this music be reconciled with a firm belief that, all the same, the other sphere has no existence? 

It's a paradox that continues to puzzle just as much in 2021 as in 1851; for instance, for the many people (mainly highly educated) who are passionate about religious art and music, yet don't hold religious beliefs. Do we in fact know what we believe, especially on these biggest and most mysterious questions of existence and life and death? That would be my question, but it was not Arnold's. Since his time it has come to seem more apparent, more familiar anyway, that our idea of the self is to some degree a construct. The same may be said of the supposed body of core beliefs that defines each of us and our position. Like our inner selves, these beliefs become quite elusive as soon as we try to inspect them honestly: we find heaps of beliefs and half-beliefs, often contradicting each other, and dating from different stages in our development. Which of those beliefs prevails in a given moment depends more on the present stimulus than on a fixed hierarchy. 


(35)

"Fenced early in this cloistral round
Of reverie, of shade, of prayer,
How should we grow in other ground?
How can we flower in foreign air?
—Pass, banners, pass, and bugles, cease;
And leave our desert to its peace!"


And leave our desert to its peace!: 1867 and later. "And leave our forest to its peace" (1855).

The "forest" of 1855 straightforwardly referred back to the "forest-glade" and "greenwood" of Stanza 29. The altered ending offers a covert glance back to the Grande Chartreuse: the remote valley where it stands is known as the "le désert de chartreuse". This is "désert" in the old medieval sense of waste land (as in the Green Knight's real name, Bertilak de Hautdesert).




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The Grande Chartreuse was both remote and yet somewhere a literary or artistic person might well go. Perhaps especially in the Romantic period, on which Arnold's poem looks back. 

Visits to the Grande Chartreuse had been stimulated by Thomas Gray's account from 1739: "one of the most romantic, and most astonishing scenes I ever beheld". In 1802 J.M.W. Turner was up there, making sketches. 

Arnold noticeably doesn't mention Wordsworth's visit to the Grande Chartreuse: he wants to make space for his own poem. But Wordsworth was one of his heroes, and the background is relevant. 

Wordsworth visited the Grande Chartreuse in 1790, shortly before revolutionary troops expelled the monks. (They returned in 1838.) Dorothy wrote in a letter that the visit made a great impression on her brother. The forcible expulsion of the monks gave Wordsworth a few early misgivings about the revolution, which he initially overcame.  He wrote about it in Descriptive Sketches (1793) and then in "The Tuft of Primroses" (1808), an unfinished draft for the abortive Recluse. Finally the topic found a place in Book VI of the 1850 Prelude : it was Wordsworth's last major addition to his poem.  

This information comes from Joseph F. Kishel, The Wordsworth Circle vol. 12 no. 1 (Winter 1981), pp. 82-88. 

Here's the Chartreuse passage in Descriptive Sketches (1793):

But lo! the Alps ascending white in air,
Toy with the sun and glitter from afar.
And now, emerging from the forest's gloom,
I greet thee, Chartreuse, while I mourn thy doom.
Whither is fled that Power whose frown severe
Awed sober Reason till she crouched in fear?
'That' Silence, once in deathlike fetters bound,
Chains that were loosened only by the sound
Of holy rites chanted in measured round?
The voice of blasphemy the fane alarms,
The cloister startles at the gleam of arms.
The thundering tube the aged angler hears,
Bent o'er the groaning flood that sweeps away his tears.
Cloud-piercing pine-trees nod their troubled heads,
Spires, rocks, and lawns a browner night o'erspreads;
Strong terror checks the female peasant's sighs,
And start the astonished shades at female eyes.
From Bruno's forest screams the affrighted jay,
And slow the insulted eagle wheels away.
A viewless flight of laughing Demons mock
The Cross, by angels planted on the aerial rock.
The "parting Genius" sighs with hollow breath
Along the mystic streams of Life and Death.
Swelling the outcry dull, that long resounds
Portentous through her old woods' trackless bounds,
Vallombre, 'mid her falling fanes, deplores,
For ever broke, the sabbath of her bowers.


And here's the Chartreuse passage in the 1850 Prelude:

                                             Taking leave
Of this glad throng, foot-travellers side by side,
Measuring our steps in quiet, we pursued
Our journey, and ere twice the sun had set
Beheld the Convent of Chartreuse, and there
Rested within an awful solitude:
Yes, for even then no other than a place
Of soul-affecting solitude appeared
That far-famed region, though our eyes had seen,
As toward the sacred mansion we advanced,
Arms flashing, and a military glare
Of riotous men commissioned to expel
The blameless inmates, and belike subvert
That frame of social being, which so long
Had bodied forth the ghostliness of things
In silence visible and perpetual calm.
—"Stay, stay your sacrilegious hands!"—The voice
Was Nature's, uttered from her Alpine throne;
I heard it then and seem to hear it now—
"Your impious work forbear, perish what may,
Let this one temple last, be this one spot
Of earth devoted to eternity!"
She ceased to speak, but while St. Bruno's pines
Waved their dark tops, not silent as they waved,
And while below, along their several beds,
Murmured the sister streams of Life and Death,
Thus by conflicting passions pressed, my heart
Responded; "Honour to the patriot's zeal!
Glory and hope to new-born Liberty!
Hail to the mighty projects of the time!
Discerning sword that Justice wields, do thou
Go forth and prosper; and, ye purging fires,
Up to the loftiest towers of Pride ascend,
Fanned by the breath of angry Providence.
But oh! if Past and Future be the wings
On whose support harmoniously conjoined
Moves the great spirit of human knowledge, spare
These courts of mystery, where a step advanced
Between the portals of the shadowy rocks
Leaves far behind life's treacherous vanities,
For penitential tears and trembling hopes
Exchanged—to equalise in God's pure sight
Monarch and peasant: be the house redeemed
With its unworldly votaries, for the sake
Of conquest over sense, hourly achieved
Through faith and meditative reason, resting
Upon the word of heaven-imparted truth,
Calmly triumphant; and for humbler claim
Of that imaginative impulse sent
From these majestic floods, yon shining cliffs,
The untransmuted shapes of many worlds,
Cerulean ether's pure inhabitants,
These forests unapproachable by death,
That shall endure as long as man endures,
To think, to hope, to worship, and to feel,
To struggle, to be lost within himself
In trepidation, from the blank abyss
To look with bodily eyes, and be consoled."
Not seldom since that moment have I wished
That thou, O Friend! the trouble or the calm
Hadst shared, when, from profane regards apart,
In sympathetic reverence we trod
The floors of those dim cloisters, till that hour,
From their foundation, strangers to the presence
Of unrestricted and unthinking man.
Abroad, how cheeringly the sunshine lay
Upon the open lawns! Vallombre's groves
Entering, we fed the soul with darkness; thence
Issued, and with uplifted eyes beheld,
In different quarters of the bending sky,
The cross of Jesus stand erect, as if
Hands of angelic powers had fixed it there,
Memorial reverenced by a thousand storms;
Yet then, from the undiscriminating sweep
And rage of one State-whirlwind, insecure.
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David Copperfield was serialized in 1849-1850 (just before Arnold wrote this poem). It was a novel that Arnold greatly admired. Towards the end the bereaved David finds himself in crisis, in an alpine landscape that seems at first to withhold its speech from him (compare the note on Stanza 2 above). I'm not suggesting this passage is a source for Arnold's poem but it's a fascinating analogue, both for its similarities and for its differences. 

I was in Switzerland. I had come out of Italy, over one of the great passes of the Alps, and had since wandered with a guide among the by-ways of the mountains. If those awful solitudes had spoken to my heart, I did not know it. I had found sublimity and wonder in the dread heights and precipices, in the roaring torrents, and the wastes of ice and snow; but as yet, they had taught me nothing else.

I came, one evening before sunset, down into a valley, where I was to rest. In the course of my descent to it, by the winding track along the mountain-side, from which I saw it shining far below, I think some long-unwonted sense of beauty and tranquillity, some softening influence awakened by its peace, moved faintly in my breast. I remember pausing once, with a kind of sorrow that was not all oppressive, not quite despairing. I remember almost hoping that some better change was possible within me.

I came into the valley, as the evening sun was shining on the remote heights of snow, that closed it in, like eternal clouds. The bases of the mountains forming the gorge in which the little village lay, were richly green; and high above this gentler vegetation, grew forests of dark fir, cleaving the wintry snow-drift, wedge-like, and stemming the avalanche. Above these, were range upon range of craggy steeps, grey rock, bright ice, and smooth verdure-specks of pasture, all gradually blending with the crowning snow. Dotted here and there on the mountain’s-side, each tiny dot a home, were lonely wooden cottages, so dwarfed by the towering heights that they appeared too small for toys. So did even the clustered village in the valley, with its wooden bridge across the stream, where the stream tumbled over broken rocks, and roared away among the trees. In the quiet air, there was a sound of distant singing—shepherd voices; but, as one bright evening cloud floated midway along the mountain’s-side, I could almost have believed it came from there, and was not earthly music. All at once, in this serenity, great Nature spoke to me; and soothed me to lay down my weary head upon the grass, and weep as I had not wept yet, since Dora died!

(From David Copperfield, Chapter 58)

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Here's another post I enjoyed reading while preparing this post: 

Yuval Ben-Ami, "A Journey to the Impenetrable Monastery Where Monks Live in Isolation and Silence" (Haaretz, 9 January 2020):

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On Matthew Arnold's The Scholar-Gipsy:

On Matthew Arnold's Balder Dead:























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