Tuesday, November 29, 2022

Train to Sussex




 07:27. It moves off while I'm still settling my guitar in the overhead rack. Gosh we're not fucking about, I think, the bad language merely my excitement. This time, I managed to pick up a Costa Express on the way to the station. It was dark when I left home, but now the light's growing.

I've already checked the paper (Portugal v Uruguay, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, The Twa Corbies) and wish I hadn't. It isn't the topics, it's the medium, that feels like a corruption.

Next, the daily Duolingo stint, while the train moves mistily through Wiltshire fields. 

Nu så är det jul igen, jultomten myser,
Julegran och klappar han skickar så snäll.
In i minsta koja nu julljuset lyser,
Alla äro glada på julaftons kväll.

Now it's Christmas again, Santa smiles,
Christmas spruce and presents he sends so kindly.
In the smallest hut now the Christmas candle shines,
All are glad for Christmas Eve.


I've brought my copy of Sjung Svenska Folk! so that I can sing this song with my mum, to Alice Tegnér's charming melody. 

It begins as a Christmas song, but it doesn't know when to stop, and ends up being both funny and sad. 

Kära jul, välkommen, välkommen till jorden!
Nu den långa hösten är slut för i år.
Med dig kommer snön och lyser upp Norden,
Sen så få vi påska och så blir det vår.

Dear Christmas, welcome, welcome to the earth!
Now the long autumn is over for this year.
With you the snow comes and lights up the North,
Then it's Easter and then comes spring.

Och så kommer sommarn, då grönt är i skogen, 
Smultronen de rodna, och åkern blir gul.
Men i höst, då skörden är inkörd på logen,
Då vi önska åter: Ack, vore det jul!

And then comes summer when it's green in the forest,
The wild strawberries redden and the fields become yellow.
But in autumn, when the harvest is brought into the barn,
Then we wish again, Ah, if only it were Christmas!



Also in my backpack is the Bulverhythe Variations by Elaine Edwards, a recent purchase that I'm bringing to show my sister (who lives in Bulverhythe). There's a performative aspect to these family visits. I'm wearing clothes that they've given me, so that they can "see them on". It's a bit silly, but it isn't wrong. Because of our European trip I haven't seen them since the beginning of September. And I'm coming to tell them that I'm starting a job next week. 


It's 09:05, the train has reached Basingstoke, and I'm reading a chatty verse epistle by Rubén Darío. He's reached Majorca, and has just described George Sand as "la vampiresa", though he can't remember if she was here with Musset or Chopin. (I suddenly remember that Chopin and Sand are the subject of Donald McLeod's programmes this week, and wonder if I might listen to them on BBC Sounds, but I certainly won't.) 


Sand has it seems always attracted this kind of abuse. I recently read an article about the book she wrote about Majorca, a very bad one apparently. I only know her Indiana, a brilliant novel. 

The verse epistle (Epístola a la Señora de Leopoldo Lugones) was published 7 January 1907, perhaps all written in Majorca in late 1906, as proposed by Vicente Sanz García here: https://buscarubendario.blogspot.com/2019/07/epistola-la-senora-de-lugones.html ; he calls it "el menos modernista de sus poemas".

In Ch LXI of La vida de Rubén Darío: Escrita por él mismo (1913), he wrote more diplomatically of "la inspirada y cálida hembra de letras y su nocturno y tísico amante" (the inspired and warm female of letters and her nocturnal and consumptive lover). 

As it happened, Darío would himself reside at Valdemossa in 1915, not long before his death.

Darío writes about everything and everyone, and is rather irresistible. At least half his references are beyond me. In Darío (unlike his contemporary, Galdós) English-speaking culture has an insignificant place, but he switchbacks through the Romance languages with relish. His Spanish is sprinkled with French and Catalan. (He is writing to Madame Lugones.)

Madame Lugones, j'ai commencé ces vers,
en écoutant la voix d'un carillon d'Anvers...

Así empecé, en francés, pensando en Rodenbach, 
cuando hice hacia el Brasil una fuga... ¡de Bach!

En Río de Janeiro iba yo a proseguir 
poniendo en cada verso el oro y el zafir 
y la esmeralda de esos pájaros-moscas 
que melifican entre las áureas siestas foscas 
que temen los que temen el cruel vómito negro.
Ya no existe allá fiebre amarilla. ¡Me alegro!
Et pour cause. Yo pan-americanicé 
con un vago temor y con muy poco fe, 
en la tierra de los diamantes y la dicha 
tropical. Me encantó ver la vera machicha, 
mas encontré también un gran núcleo cordial
de almas llenas de amor, de ensueño, de ideal.
Y si había un calor atroz, también había 
todas las consecuencias y ventajas del día, 
en panorama igual al de los cuadros y hasta 
igual al mejor de lo fantasía. Basta. 
Mi ditirambo brasileño es ditirambo 
que aprobaría tu marido. Arcades ambo.


Madame Lugones, I began these lines
while hearing the sound of bells in Anvers.. 

Thus I began, in French, thinking of Rodenbach,
When I made unto Brazil a fugue... by Bach!

In Rio de Janeiro I was going to carry on
putting in each line the gold and sapphire
and emerald of those bird-flies
that sip honey all through the golden murky afternoons
feared by those who fear the black vomit.
There is no longer yellow fever there. Happy me!
Et pour cause. I pan-Americanized
with a vague fear and with very little faith,
in the land of diamonds and tropical
bliss. I loved seeing the true maxixe,
but I also found a great warm nucleus
of souls filled with love, dreams and ideals.
And if the heat was excruciating there were also
all the consequences and advantages of the day,
in a panorama matching those of paintings and even
matchng the best of fantasy. Enough.
My Brazilian dithyramb is a dithyramb
your husband would approve. Arcades ambo


"Anvers" is the Belgian city that we call Antwerp.

Georges Rodenbach, Belgian symbolist novelist. Churchbells are a major motif in his books.

"pájaros-moscas": hummingbirds.

One of the symptoms of a severe attack of yellow fever is blood in the vomit, hence the Spanish name "vómito negro". The slave trade brought the yellow fever virus from Africa to  the Americas.

I suppose the gold hazy afternoons are feared because they bring mosquitoes, carriers of yellow fever.

"pan-americanicé": referring to the strategy of promoting pan-American cooperation, pursued by the USA (James G Blaine). Darío was appointed secretary of the Nicaraguan delegation at the Pan-American conference in Rio de Janeiro (Jul-Aug 1906), as described in Ch LXI of La vida de Rubén Darío: Escrita por él mismo (1913). 

Maxixe (machiche in Spanish): sometimes called the Brazilian tango, a dance invented in Rio de Janeiro in 1868; it later (like tango) became an international dance craze.

Dithyramb: wildly enthusiastic song, originally to Dionysus. (Maybe glancing at the author's liking for alcohol?)

Arcades ambo. From Virgil's seventh eclogue: "Arcadians both"; Darío uses the tag in the usual way, to signify two people with shared tastes.  [Duncan F. Kennedy points out that the idea of Arcadia as the pastoral locus par excellence arose during the Renaissance, not in classical times. He thinks Virgil's unusual emphasis on Arcadia in the Eclogues had something to do with his friend Gallus, and perhaps symbolized the poetic ideals they shared. See "Arcades ambo: Virgil, Gallus and Arcadia", Hermathena No. 143, In honor of D. E. W. Wormell (Winter 1987), pp. 47-59:

https://www.jstor.org/stable/23040873 .]

*

I crossed the col in London again, and wondered what the church with the striking spire was. (St John's Waterloo). On the platform at Waterloo East I played them Alice Tegnér's melody.

I'm south of Tunbridge Wells now, and phone reception is becoming intermittent, so this rambling broadcast is now coming to an end without a conclusion, as I always sensed it would.... Bye for now!


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Tuesday, November 22, 2022

Bulverhythe Variations




It caught my eye, I frankly admit, because just over a year ago my sister moved to Bulverhythe (the most westerly part of St Leonards on Sea). 

https://michaelpeverett.blogspot.com/2022/01/epiphany.html

But the more important word in the title is Variations. In its first iteration, the book published by Silverhill Press in 2022, the variations are Elaine Edwards' 32 photographic images, mostly of Bulverhythe beach architecture like the railway footbridge seen here. A starved landscape in many ways, especially in the early morning during lockdown. But nature, in the form of skies, moist air, surface rust and shingle plants, is one aspect of how variations come about. Others arise from the angles of each shot, from the implied movement and the vision that the artist conceives and attracts on a particular day. So we are made to grasp at the infinity in variation, at the same time appreciating the taut limits of this selection. 




In its other iteration, a Reality Street CD (also 2022), Bulverhythe Variations is eleven of Elaine's keyboard variations. You can hear some or perhaps all of them here:

https://afritnebula.bandcamp.com/album/bulverhythe-variations

The keyboard pieces change continuously in ways that can be seen as variations but are not readily assimilable to classical variation form. There must be many closer and more recent analogies, but I was strangely reminded of Mompou's Cants màgics, or of Satie in his more clanging manner. (Elaine's keyboard is most often piano-like, and though these pieces are often strongly rhythmic they are not metronomic or dynamically fixed.)

Both artworks are complete and independent statements, but I did enjoy experiencing them together.

They are also connected by accompanying, or being accompanied by, three texts by Elaine's partner Ken, written in the subtly styled prose that he has also deployed in e.g. a book with no name (Shearsman, 2016). This prose accompaniment sets other streams of variation flowing sideways from the main narrative successions of images and music.  

Here's the extract from the first of Ken's texts, Something Happened, that appears in the pages I photographed above:

There is almost constant wind here, where we sit or stand or lie,
and it is chiefly blowing from the direction of the south-west,
that is the prevailing direction, though sometimes (as a change) easterly,
and one has to endure it, or make provision against it, or go with it,
as is appropriate at any particular instant; for sometimes it's mild,
it softens the cheeks, glorious to relate, and sometimes it's horrid,
but that's how it goes.

It goes and it happens. That is, it sings. It sings as it sounds.
And we sit or stand or lie in our quarters,
which are partially sheltered, it has to be said, which will do.
We are in media res, which is Latin for in the middle of it all,
or in the middle of nowhere.
We are discovered here, or we are in a position to be discovered,
but to be quite frank we hope not to be,
we hope to continue our life with as little fuss as possible. 










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Sunday, November 20, 2022

All tendrils green

Diana und Endymion, 1836 painting by Franz Schrotzberg.

[Image source: https://useum.org/artwork/Diana-und-Endymion-Franz-Schrotzberg-1836 . In the Belvedere, Vienna.]



                                and round him grew
All tendrils green, of every bloom and hue,
Together intertwin'd and trammel'd fresh:
The vine of glossy sprout; the ivy mesh,
Shading its Ethiop berries; and woodbine,
Of velvet leaves and bugle-blooms divine;
Convolvulus in streaked vases flush;
The creeper, mellowing for an autumn blush;
And virgin's bower, trailing airily;
With others of the sisterhood.

(Endymion II, 409-418)

I'm reading Endymion, again. 


The passage I've just quoted is from Keats' description of the sleeping Adonis in Book II of Endymion. It  lists a number of species of climbing plants. As often, Keats' description suggests closely-observed London gardens of his own times. It is, in fact, just what Lockhart criticized as "laborious affected descriptions of flowers seen in window-pots". But Lockhart didn't see (or did he?) that precisely this urban mundanity, its willingness to acknowledge what it really saw, marked out the path of Keats' intervention into a poetic culture that had become stultified and unreal. 

The vine of glossy sprout : That is, the grape vine, Vitis vinifera. The leaves are "glossy dark green on top, light green below, usually hairless". 

The ivy mesh, Shading its Ethiop berries: Ivy, Hedera helix. Mesh: woven. The winter berries are green turning blue-black.

Woodbine : Honeysuckle, Lonicera periclymenum. Each flaring flower does somewhat resemble a trumpet or "bugle", perhaps a visual fanfare as they point out in different directions from the common flower head. 

Convolvulus: Climbers of the bindweed family, their flowers could be described as vase shaped, and the garden varieties are often streaked.

The creeper, mellowing for an autumn blush: Virginia creeper, Parthenocissus quinquefolia, whose leaves turn red in autumn. Native to America, introduced into Britain in 1629. 

And virgin's bower, trailing airily: Clematis: "trailing airily" probably refers to the stems seeming to defy gravity by venturing out into mid-air (actually sustained by the clasp of other stems). 

The horticulture is Keats' own, but the general idea of Adonis sleeping among tendrilled plants came from Spenser:

And in the thickest couert of that shade,
  There was a pleasant arbour, not by art,
  But of the trees owne inclination made,
  Which knitting their rancke branches part to part,
  With wanton yuie twyne entrayled athwart,
  And Eglantine, and Caprifole emong,
  Fashiond aboue within their inmost part,
  That neither Phœbus beams could through the throng,
Nor Aeolus sharp blast could worke them any wrong.

(Faerie Queene, III.VI. 44). 


Keats kept Spenser's ivy and the honeysuckle ("Caprifole"). He had a different use for the rose. Let's put that initial quotation back into its context.  

And down some swart abysm he had gone,
Had not a heavenly guide benignant led
To where thick myrtle branches, 'gainst his head
Brushing, awakened: then the sounds again
Went noiseless as a passing noontide rain
Over a bower, where little space he stood;
For as the sunset peeps into a wood
So saw he panting light, and towards it went
Through winding alleys; and lo, wonderment!
Upon soft verdure saw, one here, one there,
Cupids a slumbering on their pinions fair.
After a thousand mazes overgone,
At last, with sudden step, he came upon
A chamber, myrtle wall'd, embowered high,
Full of light, incense, tender minstrelsy,
And more of beautiful and strange beside:
For on a silken couch of rosy pride,
In midst of all, there lay a sleeping youth
Of fondest beauty; fonder, in fair sooth,
Than sighs could fathom, or contentment reach:
And coverlids gold-tinted like the peach,
Or ripe October's faded marigolds,
Fell sleek about him in a thousand folds–
Not hiding up an Apollonian curve
Of neck and shoulder, nor the tenting swerve
Of knee from knee, nor ankles pointing light;
But rather, giving them to the filled sight
Officiously. Sideway his face repos'd
On one white arm, and tenderly unclos'd,
By tenderest pressure, a faint damask mouth
To slumbery pout; just as the morning south
Disparts a dew-lipp'd rose. Above his head,
Four lily stalks did their white honours wed
To make a coronal; and round him grew
All tendrils green, of every bloom and hue,
Together intertwin'd and trammel'd fresh:
The vine of glossy sprout; the ivy mesh,
Shading its Ethiop berries; and woodbine,
Of velvet leaves and bugle-blooms divine;
Convolvulus in streaked vases flush;
The creeper, mellowing for an autumn blush;
And virgin's bower, trailing airily;
With others of the sisterhood. Hard by,
Stood serene Cupids watching silently.
One, kneeling to a lyre, touch'd the strings,
Muffling to death the pathos with his wings;
And, ever and anon, uprose to look
At the youth's slumber; while another took
A willow-bough, distilling odorous dew,
And shook it on his hair; another flew
In through the woven roof, and fluttering-wise
Rain'd violets upon his sleeping eyes.


In Spenser's poem the arbour on the mount of Venus is erotic anatomy, shaded by interlaced foliage. The eroticism in Keats' poem is more incessant and dispersed, a longing that hardly ever rests in satisfaction.

John Gibson Lockhart, on the unclassical nature of Keats' Endymion -- the famously vicious review in Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine (August 1818) -- a thoroughly ugly performance, as all Keats' admirers observed, but, read in full, it is not quite so disrespectful as it's reputed to be.


[Lockhart was apparently assisted in his assaults on the "Cockney School" by John Wilson (Christopher North). William Michael Rossetti (in his excellent Life of John Keats, 1887) mentions a rumour that "Scott himself lent active aid in concocting the articles". But this rumour didn't even attract John Sutherland (The Life of Walter Scott: A Critical Biography, 1995), who noted that Scott was nervous about Lockhart's enthusiasm for the Blackwood's style of "brutal personal satire", and warned him against it.]

Lockhart hints, nastily enough, at the lubricious side of Endymion. But more to the point were Keats' incautious statements, especially in the Poems of 1817, which showed his ambition to match himself, and his friends, with the greatest English poets. That created a vulnerability exploited by Lockhart, who pointed out that after all Leigh Hunt was very far from a great poet, and that someone who couldn't discriminate in value between Wordsworth and Hunt was self-condemned as completely out of his depth. Yet in a way Lockhart, by even mentioning Keats' vaulting ambitions, began to cede ground to him, as readers have done ever since. There has been a tendency to accept as a given Keats' presence among the greatest poets, because he so openly and seriously aimed at it; to assume that, though of course he did not triumph at first, he did triumph in the end. And while I love Keats very much, I think that's unfair to so many other poets and to so many other kinds of poetry. This talk of greatness was wrong, in the way that publicity is always wrong. (Lockhart's review is of course the kind of thing that makes people say there's no such thing as bad publicity.)

Keats had tweaked the tail and Lockhart replied in kind; they were both aggressive in their ways. (Keats' aggression would have been more open if his first version of the Preface had been allowed.) Lockhart's meanness was disgraceful. Keats was not mean, but it was he who provoked this kind of response. 

Keats was quite self-consciously unclassical, even though he saw Endymion as touching "the beautiful mythology of Greece" (Preface). Think of his curt dismissal of the matter of Troy, which he compared unfavourably with the medieval story of Troilus and Cressida; meaning Chaucer's version (Book II, 1-43). "Hence, pageant history! hence, gilded cheat!" Keats was both incredibly passionate and knowledgeable about Greek mythology and at the same time dedicated to a different way of accessing that mythology, different from the curriculum of a classical education; he saw that he could say things that people with a classical education would never say; they were too comfortably moulded to reflect on poetry or on life or on myth with the same freshness he brought to it. There was a boldness to his dedicating Endymion to Chatterton. Patently, Keats was intent on being a thorn in the side of orthodox literary culture. 

Endymion very evidently didn't have Spenser's music, but its own; an awkward heroic couplet that was completely unlike the Augustan measure, that revelled in being "nerveless" (Lockhart's word) i.e. in not being firmly Popeian or clinching but, as a direct consequence, capable of generating new surprises. Yet it also seems to me to be Spenserian in quite a deep way; a combination of tedium and excitement, for instance. But it isn't so much the Spenser of The Faerie Queene that I'm thinking of; which was a narrative poem through and through, in ways that Endymion isn't; it's more the Spenser of, say, The Shepheardes Calendar

*

In "I Stood Tiptoe", Keats had called the story of Endymion "That sweetest of all songs, that ever new, / That aye-refreshing, pure deliciousness". One might naturally assume that Keats was talking about a particular literary treatment of the story; but no such treatment survives from classical times. Keats certainly knew the accounts of Endymion in the much-reprinted classical dictionaries of his time. Very suggestive they might be, in a poet's eyes, but they are scarcely the "sweetest of all songs".  


ENDῨMION, a shepherd, son of Æthlius and Calyce. it is said that he required of Jupiter to grant to him to be always young, and to sleep as much as he would ; whence came the proverb of Endymionis somnum dormire, to express a long sleep. Diana saw him naked as he slept on Mount Latmos, and was so struck with his beauty that she came down from heaven every night to enjoy his company. Endymion married Chromis, daughter of Itonus, or according to some, Hyperipne, daughter of Arcas, by whom he had three sons, Pæon, Epeus, and Æolus, and a daughter called Eurydice ; and so little ambitious did he show himself of sovereignty, that he made his crown the prize of of the best racer among his sons, and honorable distinction which was gained by Epeus. The fable of Endymion's amours with Diana, or the moon, arises from his knowledge of astronomy, and as he passed the night on some high mountain, to observe the heavenly bodies, it has been reported that he was courted by the moon. Some suppose that there were two of that name, the son of a king of Elis, and the shepherd or astronomer of Caria. The people of Heraclea maintained that Endymion died on mount Latmos, and the Eleans pretended to shew his tomb at Olympia in Peloponnesus. Propert. 2, el. 25. -- Cic. Tusc. 1. -- Juv. 10. -- Theocrit. 3. -- Paus. 5, c. 1. l. 6, c. 20.

(Bibliotheca Classica by John Lemprière, Eleventh Edition (1820), pp. 275-276. Source .)

This Luna had a lover who was named Endymion, and he was courted by her, insomuch, that to kiss him, she descended out of heaven, and came to the mountain Latmus, or Lathynius, in Caria; he lay condemned to an eternal sleep by Jupiter; because, when he was taken into heaven, he attempted to make love to Juno. In reality, Endymion was a famous astronomer, who first described the course of the moon, and he is represented sleeping, because he contemplated nothing but the planetary motions.

(Tooke's Pantheon, Baltimore edition of 1838, p. 210 Source .)

What Keats was really thinking of was Endymion as he figured in English poetry of the Elizabethan age, as Sidney Colvin made clear in his  Life of John Keats (1887). Keats would certainly have known some spell-binding Elizabethan lines on the Endymion story, e.g. in Spenser's Epithalamion, Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice, and Fletcher's Faithful Shepherdess (like other readers of his time, Keats was a major fan of Beaumont and Fletcher). There were plenty of other treatments too, beginning with Lyly's Endimion (1588). 

And then there was Michael Drayton. Keats himself owned a 1636 edition of Drayton which included The Man in the Moone, one of his two poems about Endymion. 

In some ways the closest analogue to Keats is Drayton's earlier poem Endimion and Phoebe (1595); but this had never been republished and Keats must have been very diligent to track down a poem surviving in only two copies. 

If you want to check it out for yourself, then Endimion and Phoebe is on pp. 197-227 of J. Payne Collier's 1856 edition of Poems by Michael Drayton. The resemblances are quite striking: for instance  Drayton introduces Phoebe, in disguise, wooing her lover away from herself; a storyline that naturally suggests Keats' Indian Maid. But the differences are quite striking too. Drayton's Endimion is a shepherd with a flock of sheep, but Keats' shepherd-prince has no flock to watch over; he is conceived principally as a huntsman, a "mountaineer", a "forester" and, after I 486 never makes the slightest reference to sheep. Also, Endimion and Phoebe is an erotic epyllion on the model of Venus and Adonis : so Drayton's maid is "wanton", and Endimion is correspondingly reluctant (at first), being vowed to chastity as a follower of Diana. Keats' Endymion isn't reluctant in the least. 

Keats wrote to Benjamin Bailey (8th October 1817) that Endymion was ‘a text, a trial of my Powers of Imagination and chiefly of my invention ... by which I must make 4000 lines of one bare circumstance and fill them with poetry’. He was right about the "one bare circumstance". The Endymion myth had accreted some fabulous lines of poetry in the 1590s but it didn't really have much of a plot; it was just a situation. (Drayton and Keats came up with similar ways of elaborating a bald tale that was bereft of characters and drama: each produced the semblance of an intrigue by having Phoebe take a part against herself. I can believe they did so independently.)

[Maybe these Elizabethan sources of the Endymion story also account for the not obviously apposite invocation of the "muse of my native land" at the beginning of Bk IV; Keats was acknowledging that his Endymion was in some ways more English than Greek. (There was Endymion literature elsewhere in Renaissance Europe too, but Keats seemingly didn't know of it, though he might have been interested in Marino hailing Galileo as a "new Endymion".)]


Natalia Agapiou "Endymion at the Crossroads: The Fortune of the Myth of Endymion at the Dawn of the Modern Era", 2004, Res Publica Litterarum: Studies in the Classical Tradition


Claude L. Finney, "Drayton's Endimion and Phoebe and Keats' Endymion", PMLA Vol. 39, No. 4 (Dec., 1924), pp. 805-813.


*

Bruce E. Miller, "On the meaning of Keats's 'Endymion'", Keats-Shelley Journal
Vol. 14 (Winter, 1965), pp. 33-54


Discusses two lines of interpretation (is Endymion about spiritualized union with essence or about natural and physical love) and makes a detailed case for a coherent narrative that charts a progress from the sensual encounter with what he calls "the nympholeptic goddess" in Bk II 707-853 through the romantic relationship with the Indian Maid to, ultimately, the celestial union with Phoebe. 

The contrast between the sustained eroticism in Bk II and the much cooler temperature of the Indian Maid section in Book IV is undeniable and calls for explanation. But I think it is sufficiently explained by the entirely different situations. The "naked waist" of Book II, the "known Unknown", is only unknown as regards her name; Endymion knows her very well to be his declared lover, and their embraces are immediate and unrestrained. On the other hand, when Endymion sees the Indian Maid in Bk IV he believes she is a stranger to him; a lover in distress, like those Endymion had helped to save in Bk III. Endymion falls for her, but neither he nor she (playing the part of a stranger) can instantly give way to ecstatic transports of the kind seen in Bk II; nevertheless, they are moving pretty fast in a sexual direction (IV. 313-320) when interrupted by the cry of Woe! and the appearance of Mercury. Thereafter the expression of their love is muted by consciousness of the obstacles. 

*

Christian La Cassagnère, "Keats's Gleaming Melancholy: A Reading of Endymion" (2006)


An interesting and quite persuasive track through Endymion, seeing it as unified by the theme of melancholy; placing special emphasis on some of the most confusing elements of Bk IV, such as the Indian Maid's roundelay on sorrow and the passage about that "den" of "remotest glooms" the Cave of Quietude (and the excellent quality of sleep that may be obtained there). This proposal relates Endymion to the later Ode on Melancholy, and also to Lamia (based on Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy).

*

Chris Townsend "Keats's Verse Sentences in 'Endymion'"


Brief but suggestive, connecting the peculiar verse form of Endymion with its topography of paths and getting lost. 


*

I've already mentioned W.M. Rossetti's Life of John Keats. But it's worth adding that it contains an admirable review of both the merits and the faults of Endymion (pp. 168-180). His strictures on Book IV, in particular, gave me plenty of food for thought. 

He includes an attempt to summarize the action of the poem, something I've also tried my hand at: 

Neither he nor I were attentive enough, I feel, but that's very understandable. A summary must select, but while the story of  Endymion is from one point view rather static, the poem Endymion is ceaselessly active. It isn't easy, when reading it, to decide what to highlight and what to leave unreported, because Keats noticeably avoids the kind of signals that allow a reader to distinguish between, say, a principal narrative line and a digression. To offer just one example, Endymion is repeatedly shown as sleeping or on the verge of sleep. Are these sleeps just a handy device for switching from one scene or vision to the next, or is Endymion's sleepiness (as per Lemprière) a principal fact about him and his story? Is e.g. his immersion in the Cave of Quietude (from which nothing material seems to follow) to be regarded as an important part of his story or not? 

As we have seen, Keats, when well advanced with this poem, spoke of it as a test of his inventive faculty: and truly it is such, but I am not sure that his inventive faculty has come extremely well out of the ordeal. The best part which invention could take in such an attempt would be a vigorous, sane, and adequate conception of the imaginable relation between a loving goddess and her human lover; her emotion towards him, and his emotion towards her; and his ultimate semi-spiritualized and semi-human mode of existence in the divine conclave; along with a chain of incidents—partly of mythologic tradition, partly the poet’s own—which should illustrate these essential elements of the legend, and take possession of the reader’s mind, for their own sake at the moment, and for the sake of the main conception as ultimate result. Of all this we find little in Keats’s poem.

It's quite a powerful argument. In Rossetti's era of the dramatic monologue, or in our own era of Madeline Miller, it seems rather obvious that the way to turn "one bare circumstance" into a full-length work is to attempt an in-depth realization of the leading characters, to shape them into individuals, and to seek ways of portraying the love of a human and an immortal as something credible or at least conceivable. 

But it's an argument that can be answered, in part at least. For Keats and indeed for most poets up to his time, poetry had never been about realism. Keats in particular did not want to demythologize the Endymion story; it was the myth that he wanted. Keats' invention was indeed hyperactive, but it was deployed rather in creating the effect of "richly-shot silk" that Rossetti describes so well. What the reader was to share was not the plausibility of the story but its strangeness.  













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Thursday, November 17, 2022

From then




.. That's how I felt during my first few years in Johannesburg. I had travelled from Durban, over four hundred miles by train, to start working as a journalist. After work, I often slept on a desk at the office or stayed overnight when friends invited me to dinner in their homes.

This was not because of a Bohemian bent in me. Far from it. According to the law, 'native' bachelors are supposed to live in hostels in Johannesburg. I should have shared a dormitory with ten or more strange men. Some could have been office clerks, messengers, night-watchmen, road-diggers, school teachers or witch-doctors. We could each be at liberty to play our concertinas or strum guitars while others read books or brewed beer in the dormitory. 

Instead of this, I chose to be a wanderer. It would have been too difficult to get a hostel bed anyway. I remember trying once, just for the hell of it. I picked up the telephone and spoke in a faked Oxford accent. 'My name is Brokenshaw,' I said. 'Is there a vacant bed in your hostel by any chance?'

'Yes, we have some beds,' the voice at the other end answered. It must have been the white superintendent. 'But I must explain to you that we are only taking special boys now,' he added.

'What sort of boys are those?' I asked.

'Special boys,' he repeated, 'boys employed in the essential services; milk delivery boys, sanitation boys, and so on. Boys who have to be in town very early in the morning or till late at night.'

'Jolly good,' I said, 'my boy is actually quite special. He has to remain in town till quite late from time to time. He is a journalist.'

'Well, Mr Brokenshaw, I can't promise anything. You can send him along if you like. We'll have to deal with every case according to its merits.'

I didn't go to the superintendent. I didn't really want a hostel bed. Neither did I wish to switch from journalism to the essential services. Thus, for roughly eighteen months, on and off, I wandered about without a fixed home address. I determined to make the best of it. The idea was to regard complications of my relationship with Johannesburg as part of the incredible experiment. That way I could get on with the business of living without getting too depressed.

Fortunately, like most young men from the smaller towns in South Africa, I was thrilled by simply being in Johannesburg. While others made for their homes hurriedly at the end of the day, I took long leisurely walks from one end of the city to the other. On some nights I spent long hours reading London papers in the Rand Daily Mail library. Friends who invited me to their flats soon got used to me turning up for a bath in addition to dinner and a drink. 

At times I slept in the night-watchman's room on the top of our office block. The night-watchman was a tall, very dark man, always in blue overalls, and Zulu-speaking. He seemed to welcome my appearance and spoke a lot of politics with me. How long, he wanted to know once, did I think the white man would remain on top of us? Did I think the time would ever come when we would be on top? Bathin' abelungu manje? What are the whites saying now? 

Answering these questions made me feel I was earning the watchman's hospitality. He saw me as an interpreter of the white man's ways because some of my friends were white. In the suburbs, over a drink, people plied me with questions about Africans. These conversations often developed into dull tales about the effects of apartheid on Africans, with me giving a rather false picture of the 'latest developments'. I knew very little about the African townships. Like many other people, I could have lived illegally in the townships, but I wanted to be in town, not five or fifteen miles outside. 

I was especially fascinated with Johannesburg by night. Because of the curfew regulations, most Africans rushed out of town at the end of the day. Dozens of long brown trains whined out of town carrying thousands of Africans to their homes. By eleven o'clock, when the curfew regulations came into operation, almost all the faces in town would be white. 

By day, the city became a depressing mess. There were too many Africans sweating away on company bicycles or lingering on pavements in search of work. More depressing would be the newly-recruited 'mine boys', scores of black men from all over Africa. They walked through town with blankets on their shoulders and loaves of bread under their armpits, to be housed in the hostels of the gold mines. They looked like prisoners to me. Some had blank, innocent faces and gazed openly, longingly, at women passing by. Most of them, if not all, were illiterate and doomed to stay that way for the rest of their lives. I resented them because I felt a responsibility towards them and I was doing nothing about it. They spoiled my image of Johannesburg as the throbbing giant which threw up sophisticated gangsters, brave politicians and intellectuals who challenged white authority. 

This image of Johannesburg survived best at night. I shared a theory with a friend who also spent much of his time about town because of the housing problem. We believed that the best way to live with the colour bar in Johannesburg was to ignore it. 

The theory worked remarkably well at times. I remember one night when we went to drink coffee at the Texan, a coffee bar reserved for whites in Commissioner Street. The place was run by an American from Texas. He had the American flag in the bar as well as a portrait of President Eisenhower, wearing his famous grin. 

My friend and I perched on two stools at the counter and placed our order for two coffees. The Texan's son went to fetch the coffee, obviously expecting us to drink it on the pavement, anywhere outside the bar. Meanwhile, my friend and I began to talk loudly about President Eisenhower's portrait. 'Look at the bum,' my friend started, looking at the President's portrait, 'there is something seriously wrong with America's choice of its heroes. Imagine the millions of American children whose ambition is to grow into the grinning emptiness which Ike symbolizes! To think that there are eggheads who could be built up instead of fellows like this.'

By the time the Texan's son brought our coffee, his father was embroiled in violent argument with us, all about Ike. The Texan confessed that he didn't know much about politics but he knew a man of God when he saw one. The argument was still raging when we finished drinking the coffee and left. Nobody seemed to remember the colour bar. 

(from "Johannesburg, Johannesburg" by Nathaniel (Nat) Nakasa (1937 - 1965), a column first published in Drum magazine. Here's the full text: https://www.thejournalist.org.za/pioneers/nat-nakasa-johannesburg/ .)

It looks simple and sparkling, this new black journalism in South Africa, but it was not. And underlying its high spirits are chasms, the depression that is kept at bay, the colour bar that eats away even if one boldly ignores it -- in theory. 

Towards the end of the 1950s, Lewis Nkosi and Nat Nakasa joined the Drum team. The writers used the language of American writers and movies, and created a fast, slangy street talk that few have been able to imitate. Nakasa later established a literary magazine called The Classic and won a Nieman Fellowship to study journalism in the United States. He left South Africa on an exit permit and was unable to return home. Isolated from his home country, he committed suicide a little more than a year later. [In 1965, when he was 28.]

 (Source: https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/drum-magazine .)

That is the simple story: Nat Nakasa as exemplary martyr, victim of the apartheid regime that refused him a passport. That story is true, but it isn't the whole truth. 

http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259-01902011000100004

This fascinating and disturbing essay by Ryan Lenora Brown digs deeper into the context of Nakasa's career, his necessary compromises, the involvement of both RSA and USA security forces, his loss of confidence, isolation, and descent into despair. His generation were pioneers of putting black experience out there, but they were skating on the thinnest of ice, and they didn't tend to last very long. Brown compares the early deaths of  Nakasa's Drum colleagues Can Themba and Todd Matshikiza, also in exile. South Africa always moved to exile or suppress "communist" voices. That was a smear word they applied to anyone who was considered to provoke discontent with apartheid. Ironic because, as it appears from the passage I've quoted, Nakasa was actually politically pretty moderate compared to the revolutionary activists of the time; that's how come he could be, for instance, the first black reporter on the Rand Daily Mail.  

*

I encountered "Johannesburg, Johannesburg" in Stories from Central and Southern Africa, ed. Paul A. Scanlon (1983).

An anthology of 22 stories from southern Africa during the apartheid era. I don't think it's misleading to describe it like that, though the geographical range is much broader than just the Union or Republic of South Africa; one or two of the stories predate apartheid, and some have little connection with it, or even none at all. For all that, the enormity of apartheid seems to lie on the book's chest like an incubus, focussing its broader themes of colonialism, multiculturalism, prejudice, pride, isolation...

A number of the other authors in this anthology also published in Drum: for instance Ezekiel (later Es'kia) Mphahlele and Richard Rive. But I'll end with an extract from the story by Daniel Canodoise "Can" Themba (1924 - 1967): 

... But life in Johannesburg was such that he did not find much time to look after his family. He was not exactly the delinquent father, but there was just not the time or the room for a man to become truly family-bound. Then suddenly, crash! He died in a motor-car accident, and his unprovided-for wife had to make do. 

His daughter, Maria, grew up in the streets of Alexandra. The spectre of poverty was always looming over her life; and at the age of fourteen she left school to work in the white man's kitchens. It helped, at first, to alleviate the grim want, the ever-empty larder at home. But soon she got caught up in the froth of Johannesburg's titillating nether life. She had a boyfriend who came pretty regularly to sleep in her room at the back of her place of employment; she had other boyfriends in the city, in the townships, with whom she often slept. And of the billions of human seed so recklessly strewn, one was bound sometime to strike target. 

When her condition became obvious, Maria nominated the boy she liked best, the swankiest, handsomest, most romantic and most moneyed swain in her repertoire. But he was a dangerous tsotsi, and when she told him of what he had wrought, he threatened to beat the living spit out of her. She fondly, foolishly persisted; and he assaulted her savagely. The real boyfriend -- the one who slept in her room -- felt bitter that she had indicated another. Had he not already boasted to his friends that he had 'bumped' her? Now the whole world judged that he had been cuckolded.

Poor Maria tried the somersault and turned to him, but by then he would have none of it. He effectively told the Native Commissioner, 'I am this girl's second opinion. She does not know who is responsible for her condition. There she stands, now too scared to nominate the man she first fancied, so she looks for a scapegoat, me.'

The commissioner had some biting things to say to Maria and concluded that he could not, in all conscience, find this man guilty of her seduction. As they say, he threw out the case. 

So Sekgametse Daphne Lorraine was born without a father: an event in Alexandra, in Johannesburg, in all the urban areas of our times, that excites no surprise whatsoever.

First, Maria shed all her love -- that is, the anguish and pain she suffered, the bitterness, the humiliation, the sense of desolation and collapse of her tinsel world -- upon this infant. But people either perish or recover from wounds; even the worst afflictions do not gnaw at you forever. Maria recovered. She went back to her domestic work, leaving the baby with her mother. She would come home every Thursday -- Sheila's Day -- the day off for all the domestics in Johannesburg. She came to her baby, bringing clothing, blankets, pampering little goodies and smothering treacly love. 

But she was young still, and the blood burst inside her once she recovered. Johannesburg was outside there calling, calling, first wooingly, alluringly, then more and more stridently, irresistibly. She came home less often, but remorsefully, and would crush the child to her in those brief moments. Even as she hugged the rose, the thorns tore at her feet. Then suddenly she came home no more . . .

(From "Kwashiorkor" by Can Themba, collected posthumously in The Will To Die (1972).)

*

Drum Magazine (1951-1961): And The Works Of Black South African Writers Associated With It. 

That's the title of David Rabkin's PhD thesis (University of Leeds, 1975). It's available online and is well worth a look:

https://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2323/2/uk_bl_ethos_537912.pdf .




 



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Monday, November 14, 2022

This is a new book on the inexhaustible theme of London

In a small market in Portugal my eye was attracted to a dull-green-cloth-covered hardback that turned out to be E.V. Lucas' London Afresh (1936) -- in fact, this was the illustrated second edition published the following year. Accordingly, while we travelled in a vivid trance through unfamed rural bits of Europe my imagination was also slowly pursuing a quite different but somehow analogous journey, a walk from east to west in the London of 1936. 

Edward Verrall Lucas had published several books about London before; this was to be the last, already elegiac in tone and quietly reproachful of the capital's incessant redevelopment. It was aimed at visitors to London, from the colonies for instance; at any rate, visitors with interests like his own. His enthusiasm for painting -- he seems to know every picture in London, and his love for Constable and Turner is infinitely detailed -- makes me feel I've been wasting my life. 

Here's a flavour, which says more than any commentary. It is like the strangely gripping spectacle of a sand-castle being washed away. I can only grasp at a fraction of what this text evokes.  (It stirs very faint memories of a childhood visit with my grandmother to London; seeing beefeaters and ravens at the Tower, Piccadilly Circus, the Elfin Oak in Kensington Gardens ...)  How much more strange it must seem to readers who are half a century younger!

Any one may wander into the Port of London Authority building, and any one may try to read the names in the Naval Marine memorial, but leave has to be obtained to look at the maritime trophies at Trinity House in Trinity Square, close by. This is the headquarters of the 'Guild, Fraternity or Brotherhood of the Most Glorious and Undivided Trinity', a confederacy of Elder Brethren and Younger Brethren, bound together to supervise navigation, lighthouses, and so forth, and to relieve poor Jack when he falls on evil days -- as you will find them doing at their serene almshouses in the Mile End Road. 

Permission must also be obtained to see the Royal Mint, just north of the Tower, where our coinage is constructed. Here you will find not only precious metal in bulk, but machines of such sensitiveness that they reject instantly, for new minting, a half-crown or threepenny bit that is not perfect. To the happy rustle and crinkle of bank-notes, however, you will not listen here, for they are made in the valley of the Test in Hampshire. 

The oratory of the Tower Hill demagogues, socialists and theologians is free as air, and you may always study and rejoice in, freely, Sir Christopher Wren's tower of St. Dunstan's-in-the-East. Billingsgate Market is free, too, but it is at its liveliest only in almost impossibly early hours, and since the day when license invaded fiction and the stage, enfranchising speech generally, no longer has Billingsgate offered its old attractive monopoly of strong language. 

For interesting sauntering I recommend the streets east of the Tower -- Thames Street, Wapping and the Docks, and the wanderer will be lucky if he is provided with an order for the wine vaults, where, in caverns measureless to man, casks in bond are stored, and a kind word can be rewarded. 

To visit the Docks is swiftly to realize our dependent place in the Empire and in the world, for one sees in a flash what we should have to dispense with, were there no ships coming this way. And how fragrant much of it is!

One of the early excitements of my life, as I have written elsewhere, came from playing with the quicksilver which, on special occasions, the dame who kept my first school used to pour out of a bottle so that it might form into little gleaming balls and run about on a green baize cloth. First, there was the surprise caused by the heaviness of the bottle, and then by the curious consistency of this strange substance, liquid and yet dry, separating so easily into small drops and instantly reuniting into the mass. And the other day I found myself playing with quicksilver again, at the Docks, where one of the most popular exhibits is a great bowl of mercury, too weighty for an ordinary person to lift, into which you may plunge your hands, and on the surface of which lumps of iron swim like corks in the sea. A very mysterious fluid, this quicksilver, and but for at least two of its functions we should not (unless, like Narcissus, we bent our heads over pools), have any idea of what we look like or whether tomorrow will be fine or wet. 

A visit to the Port of London brings the world into very small compass. In the course of an hour one can be switched east and west, north and south; to Australia, by the myriad bales of wool; to Japan, by jars of peppermint; to the East Indies, by the cases of cinnamon; to Brazil, by the sacks of isinglass; and to Africa, by the tusks of elephants; and it is a sad thought that before these East End floors could be heaped up with ivory, its noble original possessors must have died; not necessarily by the bullet -- indeed the percentage of elephants killed by hunters is very small -- but in the course of nature. 

... A sale being imminent, I found one day experts examining the stock, whether in the rough, exactly as removed from the gigantic skulls, or in sections and fragments. There is not a piece, however small, that cannot be used for something, from the trophy on a rich man's wall to the tiny dot on a pipe-stem. Scoring-board pegs, drawer-knobs, knife-handles, paper-knives, cigarette-holders, hairbrush backs, shoehorns -- but for the deaths of elephants in Africa, what should we in Europe do for these? Yet the most interesting of the mammoths' reincarnations is as billiard balls, and I was shown piles of tusk ends from which two sets of three can be turned. A strange evolution; nor will anyone familiar with the caprices and intractabilities of the game be surprised to hear that it is from the female tusks that the best sets are turned. 

(from Chapter III, The Docks)

[Lucas must have been fed a line. Most ivory came not from elephants that were already dead but from elephants that were killed specifically for their tusks. In the era of London Afresh the ivory hunters were devastating the Kenyan elephant population.]

*

For Lucas, Dickens was the greatest of Londoners, along with Pepys, Wren, Johnson, Turner, etc. Odd in a way: Dickens shared very few of Lucas' own interests: for instance he considered history largely an imposition and he cared not at all for the sort of art that Lucas adores. But then Dickens is apt to overwhelm such rational considerations. More characteristic of Lucas, perhaps, is his remark that our three most "human" essayists -- Goldsmith, Lamb and Thackeray (i.e. of the Roundabout Papers) -- all lived in the "lawyers' stronghold", the Temple. 

*

"The four greatest British painters are, by general consent, Reynolds and Gainsborough, Turner and Constable, and all of them were Londoners -- all living and working much in London and all dying here." (p. 144). Painters I suppose means in oils, or he might have added Hogarth and Blake. 

*

Lucas (1868-1938) didn't have much taste for modern painting: Van Gogh and Cézanne were too much for him. Nor modern literature, I think. He writes plenty about Bloomsbury, but he has never heard of the Bloomsbury Group. 

But he was not, which rather surprised me, a stickler for the authentic. In the museums he often seems most enthusiastic about the dioramas (model scenes) -- a form then in its heyday, before TV and animation and video came along to offer the same kind of virtual experience. He was delighted by the coloured postcards of artworks that were now becoming available in galleries and museums, and he strongly advised the visitor to start a collection. 

*

One of the Constable watercolours admired by Lucas at the V&A:

View at Hampstead, looking towards London, watercolour by John Constable (7 December 1833)

[Image source: https://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O126195/view-at-hampstead-looking-towards-watercolour-constable-john-ra/ .]

*

Here are a few of the illustrations from the 1937 second edition of London Afresh








London Afresh takes a lively interest in the bomb damage caused during the "Great War". Four years after its publication would come the London Blitz; the author, who died in 1938, was spared that. 

The illustrator was H[orace] M[ann] Livens (1862 - 1936). Curiously, he is most remembered for having painted the first portrait of Vincent Van Gogh (his fellow student at the Academy in Antwerp in 1885-1886). Much of his work was unfortunately lost in the Blitz, and more in a fire at his widow's home in Harrow in 1957.

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Wednesday, November 09, 2022

Aleppo Pine (Pinus halepensis)

Some pictures I took along the Mediterranean coast of Spain. The most common pine here is Pinus halepensis, the Aleppo Pine. 

It was first described from an Aleppo specimen, but actually the Levantine population is an outlier; the heartland of the species is the western Mediterranean, and especially eastern Spain. 




Mature bark, with bits of red.

(The bole may start out straight, but it soon becomes wavy and tortuous.)



Aleppo Pine is usually a smallish pine. The crown is rounded, but less regular in shape than the Stone Pine (Pinus pinea). 

The most common Spanish names are pino blanquillo and pino carrasco or pincarrasco. The former means "white pine" (pale foliage?). Carrasco, according to the dictionary of the Real Academia Española (dle.rae.es), means a large expanse of land covered in woody vegetation. The same word is also one of the alternative popular names for the encima (holm oak). So I suppose it refers to the Aleppo Pine tending to cover substantial areas with scrubby forest. It is adapted to arid climates, and the cones release their seeds after wildfires. 


Compared to other Mediterranean or northern pines, the needles are relatively short, very straight, and a fresh apple-green colour. 


New cones, cinnamon-coloured. Whether new or old, they are always on recurved stalks which are very distinctive. The cones are much smaller than Stone Pine or Maritime Pine.

The cones contain small pine-nuts. They aren't used much as a food source, compared to the valuable pine nuts of the Stone Pine, but local traditions do exist in Morocco and Algeria. 





An Aleppo pine in the old fortress of Oropesa. The fortress was Moorish originally. When the Christians displaced the Moors, they built a walled town around the fortress to deter incessant raids by pirates. 


Old cones.


Old fallen needles snagged on lower shoots.


Aleppo Pine growing as ground cover on coastal cliffs.


Shoot very divided here.


Aleppo Pines in Paul Cezanne's garden in Aix-en-Provence. (The Big Trees, 1902-1904.)

[Image source: https://www.nationalgalleries.org/art-and-artists/17490/big-trees . In one of the National Galleries Scotland.]










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Sunday, November 06, 2022

Benito Pérez Galdós: 7 de julio

One

It's as if no time has passed. Everything is the same. See the street, the house, the goldfish swimming and revolving in incessant curves within their pools; see the cages of crickets hanging in clusters on each side of the door; observe the schoolroom window, and hear the sound of the little rascals that emerges through it. Nothing has changed, and Don Patricio Sarmiento, as punctual and immutable on his bench as the sun in the firmament, sheds the light of his wisdom across the whole territory of the classroom. Just as in the previous year, he expounds the disastrous history and tragic death of Gaius Gracchus; but his eloquent voice adds these fateful words:

-- Terrible days are on the way. Rome and Liberty are in danger.

Back then we were in February 1821; now we are in March 1822. During this year of anarchy, in the course of its 365 riots, the Calle de Coloreros has not suffered any important changes. Don Patricio doesn't seem older; on the contrary, one would think him rejuvenated by miraculous potions. He is more restless, more worked up, more lively; his eye shines with more brilliance, and the contraction and dilation of the venerable wrinkles on his brow reveal that within it there seethes a volcano of ideas.

When the hour of rest is sounded and the boys depart in haste, beating the ground with their impatient feet and filling the whole street with an ear-splitting clamour of shrieks, tomfooleries and caperings that, fortunately, doesn't last long, Don Patricio cleans his pens, arranges his cap so that no part of his cranium remains exposed, and sometimes with ruler in hand, sometimes with hands in pockets, goes out to the porch, intoning between his teeth a patriotic ditty. 

If Lucas is at his post, father and son chat a while before going up to eat. At other times Don Patricio plants his picturesque, majestic figure on the threshold, snuffs the temperature and wind direction, and if his legs feel stiff, takes a walk towards the Arch of San Ginés, setting his feet down firmly and noisily so as to warm them up. A few sonorous words escape his chest while he looks again at the sky, as if in its unalterable grandeur he sees an image of immortality. 

[The beginning of 7 de julio (The Seventh of July) by Benito Pérez Galdós (1876),  the fifteenth volume of the Episodios Nacionales, i.e. the fifth of the second series.]

Complete Spanish text of 7 de julio.

*

crickets: often kept as caged pets in Spain. 

little rascals : the word is moscardones. Literally a warble fly or gadfly, but figuratively referring to someone who is irritating or mischievous.

Gaius Gracchus: a legislator, tribune, and orator, of the 2nd century BCE. He died when violence broke out between Gracchus' supporters and his senatorial enemies, in particular the consul Lucius Opimius. By teaching the history of the Roman Republic rather than holy scripture, Don Patricio reveals his liberal sympathies. 

February 1821: a footnote refers us to the previous volume, El Grande Oriente

365 riots: probably referring to the lively, informal era of the patriotic clubs, replacing the stifling official ceremonials of the period 1814-1820, during which the constitution had been suppressed, as described in the first chapter of La fontana de oro, Galdós' first novel. 

Calle de Coloreros: a street in central Madrid. Galdós nearly always uses real locations. 

cap: Don Patricio wears the gorro, an emblem of his fierce liberalism and republicanism.

if his legs feel stiff: I'm inferring the meaning. The text says "si sus remos se han entumecido", which I think means "if his oars have gone numb". 

Arch of San Ginés: a nearby archway, with buildings above, that connects the Plazuela de San Ginés with the Pasadizo de San Ginés. Here's an excellent post about it, with photographs: https://www.pasionpormadrid.com/2013/09/el-arco-de-san-gines.html .

*

Whilst away in Spain and elsewhere, I finally finished reading 7 de julio, several years after starting it. My poor Spanish made it a significant challenge and, as you can see from the state of the jacket, it's a book that has lived rough. 



The fictional hero of the second series is Salvador Monsalud, a young liberal. Apparently he is set in contrast to an absolutist half-brother, but that doesn't emerge in this volume. Reading only 7 de julio doesn't reveal much of Monsalud's story, nor of such other matters as the misfortunes of Don Urbano Gil de la Cuadra, or the full details of why he hates Monsalud, or why Monsalud regards Soledad as his sister. Monsalud's character has intrigued some readers, as Octavio Paz testified, but in the Episodios Nacionales generally the interest consists less in these fictional protagonists than in Galdós' depiction of historical events and the effortlessly vigorous chatter of minor figures like the detestable Don Patricio.

Galdós churned out the early volumes of the Episodios Nacionales at Simenon-like speed; this fifteenth volume was written in Oct-Nov 1876, less than four years after the first volume, Trafalgar. At first glance these books seem quite old-fashioned, considering their date of composition; and even when they evoke Scott or Dickens or Balzac, it's in the simplest and most generic manner of those masters. Perhaps, I ponder, Galdós needed to sketch out a whole literature of early Spanish realism as the essential foundation for such complex and innovative novels as Fortunata and Jacinta. Anyway, it was the Episodios that were popular with readers and paid the bills.  

And they are still an excellent choice of reading, if you like historical novels and want to hone your imperfect command of Spanish!

*

She gazed around on all sides, showing an affectionate interest in the various objects of his living quarters, from the archive that occupied one end-wall, to the old, bad pictures that covered the other. These were portraits laid aside for lack of artistic quality, landscapes in the Flemish style, hunting scenes and absurd battles in which one might see dead horses resembling white pigs, arquebussiers aiming at the sky, serpents that vomited vermillion, and very polished towers on whose battlements appeared handsome archers bedecked with colourful plumes. 

To Sola this museum appeared most beautiful. After she had looked upon it with obvious signs of childish pleasure, she fixed her attention on the table and saw with surprise that it was not, as on other days, full of yellowing dusty papers, drafts, quires of paper, maps and account books; but instead of handsome volumes with gold edging and the finest paper quality; she saw also that her brother had before him several sheets of paper that did not have, as on former occasions, long ranks of numbers resembling armies drawn up for battle, but lines of continuous and flowing prose.

-- What are you doing? -- Sola asked her brother with friendly familiarity. 

-- From you there are no secrets -- the youth replied, lifting his eyes from the paper. This isn't accounts; it is a speech that the Duke has instructed me to write.

-- A speech?

-- Yes; for him to deliver the day after tomorrow in the Cortes. There isn't much left to do -- he added, picking up a book and leafing through it -- Let's see what Voltaire says on this point, for you ought to know that His Excellency likes a speech to have many quotations, and in every paragraph two or three philosophers speaking through his mouth.

(from Chapter II)

end-wall : guesswork, really. The word is testero, which can mean the head of a bed, but the context suggests walls. 

account books: "libros de asiento", literally entry books. 

the finest paper quality: "finísimas pastas". "Pasta" is the Spanish equivalent of "pulp". Wood pulp was not introduced until 1843; before that, the main source of paper pulp was used textiles ("rags"). 

From you there are no secrets: That proves somewhat ironic: Monsalud is fond of Soledad but he never lets her into his many secrets, as the rest of this chapter demonstrates. 

the Cortes: That is, parliament -- though the term "cortes" originated in a feudal age. In 1822 the Salón de Cortes was the church of the Colegio de doña María de Aragón (as described in Chapter 4). This building was subsequently absorbed into the Palacio del Senado. 


*

The novel takes place during the "Trienio Liberal", when the Spanish Constitution had been restored and there were three years of constitutional government, and the absolutist monarch Ferdinand VII was virtually confined to his enormous Palacio Real (where, however, he still possessed the right of veto and used it to sabotage nearly all new legislation). 

The most serious of several absolutist attempts at a coup d'état took place in July 1822, when the royal guards (Guardia Real) revolted and tried to take over the capital, but were defeated by the combined efforts of the national militia (Milicia Nacional).

https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golpe_de_Estado_de_julio_de_1822 .

[The Liberal Triennium came to an end in 1823, when a French invasion restored Fernando VII as absolutist monarch. The Quintuple Alliance (Austria, Prussia, Russia, Great Britain and France) had decided that Spain's seeming drift towards republicanism was a threat to the security of Europe.]

*

Once he [the king] manages to cross the palace threshold, the drums of the guards buffet some of the locals, sticks are crossed, there are punches and kicks, and a number of youths shed their precious blood in the streets. There is suddenly a mass of weals, scrapes, bruises and bumps, and hundreds of noses drop redness on the ground. The occasional rib creaks as it snaps, and not a few gums find themselves freed of a decaying molar. Lumps appear on quite a few heads, the odd shoulder-blade caves in. It is not much more than lads' games; but this is how the tragic chapters of history tend to begin, in every country. 

It did not take much for the farce to turn into real drama. Growing ever more furious, the troops, when His Majesty had entered the palace, took possession of the upper parts of the Plaza de Oriente, ejected a reserve of the voluntary Militia, and, establishing a line from los Consejos to the Arco de la Armería, declared themselves in open and bare-faced insurrection. A number of shots were loosed off, seven locals and one member of the Militia fell to the ground. One young enthusiast, a son of Flórez Calderón, had the ill-conceived notion of haranguing the guards that were forming up next to the ministry building, and he was cruelly beaten and slashed. 

The drums were beating the attack, and the furious grenadiers were insulting the crowd, threatening to stab them if they didn't draw back. Women fell down in fits of faintness and anguish, some men swore loud oaths, others roared; and meanwhile you could see in one window of the palace, as in a box at the bull-ring, a group of eager palace flunkeys and court ladies, who were waving their handkerchiefs to stir up the soldiery. Those poor people simply could not reconcile themselves to living under the hateful yoke of the Constitution! Secreted in the midst of those graceful faces, like the snake among the flowers, Ferdinand gazed with avid eyes at the audacity of the janissaries. 

Among these there was one officer who dared to reassert the laws of the discipline that had been flouted. His name was Don Mamerto Landáburu, a liberal exaltado, a good patriot, a fontanista, a soldier of the clubs (a quality which certainly did not characterize the top caste of the soldiers), but at the same time a worthy and pleasant individual. This unfortunate officer spoke energetically to the soldiers, but received insuilts in reply. Blind with fury, he drew his sabre at the moment that another lieutenant, Goiffieu, was shouting frantically: Viva el Rey absoluto! Spurred by this cry, the grenadiers fell upon Landáburu, but major Herón and another officer whose name is not recorded managed to intervene and rescue him. The drew him away and led him into the palace, but the crowd of assassins followed, and within the eastern portal he received three shots in the back and fell forever, crying Viva la Libertad!

(from Chapter 14)

the king : his public appearance at the formal closure of congress on 30 June produced violent demonstrations of feeling on all sides. 

palace : the Palacio Real in central Madrid, the largest palace in Europe. 

the locals : paisanos, here not meaning countrymen but ordinary citizens of Madrid (as opposed to soldiers on either side). 

Plaza de Oriente : the square in front of (i.e. to the east of) the Palacio Real. (The current monumental layout of the square dates from 1844, when a number of medieval buildings were demolished.)

los Consejos : i.e. the Palacio de los Concejos, where the Calle de Bailén, running south from the Palacio Real, meets the Calle Mayor. The line thus established threatens an advance on the Plaza Mayor, the heart of Madrid.

grenadiers : these particular granaderos of the Guardia Real were not literally hurlers of grenades but, like them, were selected for being especially large and burly. They were placed at the forefront of the troop, with the role of leading assaults. 

janissaries : the household troops of the Ottoman Sultan -- here used figuratively to refer to Ferdinand's own household troops. 

Landáburu : see https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mamerto_Landaburu .

fontanista, soldier of the clubs : that is, he was a regular at the Fontana de Oro, one of the patriotic clubs (and the setting for Galdós' novel of the same name). 

*

7 de julio is a novel about political events but it is not focussed on the decision-makers and power-brokers, but instead on relatively powerless people who are trying to make sense of what's going on around them. Many (especially the men) have fierce political views. Everyone speculates about what really happened, what it really means, what's really behind it, and what's going to happen next ... but for the most part they're filling a vacuum with guesswork, even if their guesses are sometimes right. They often like to give the impression that they know things (see e.g. Don Primitivo) but their peers are generally not taken in by this behaviour. They talk about what they are passionately interested in, and one reason for that passionate interest is precisely that they don't know. 

Galdós is brilliant at capturing the flavour of this kind of discourse which, of course, is still extremely familiar today. 

Unsurprisingly, a theme that kept arising for me was reason vs. unreason. The novel's characters skilfully appeal to reason when trying to dissuade others from their convictions or behaviour. Yet all carry within themselves a solid core of unreason, they are driven by their own convictions, which may lead to fanaticism and may lead to heroism, incredible sacrifice or blind selfishness, but always go beyond what reason can coldly approve. The two schoolmasters prove as unreasonable, or more so, than the ignorant maidservant Doña Rosa. And Soledad and Monsalud are just as helplessly bound to their own unreasonable courses (though driven by love and dreams of ambition) as the egotistical cynic Don Urbano or the incessant Don Patricio. Reason is good in itself, but Galdós is not "on the side of reason", because he sees that reason can never take charge of society, human nature just isn't like that. 

*

By the evening of the 6th he [Don Patricio Sarmiento] was hoarse and almost asthmatic, but none the quieter for that; and as Don Primitivo Cordero ventured (heinous notion!) to make excuses for the seven carbuncles -- i.e. the ministers -- Don Patricio made his apologia in some such terms as these:

-- What should become of a nation where the seat of state is occupied by a Rosita the Pastry Chef, gentlemen, a woman? All right then, I'll admit he's a man -- but what a man! Does he govern a nation while making verses? If at least they were like Virgil's! .... But instead he goes with Rabadán, no more nor less, for so I say. What does it matter that he pronounces pretty, polished speeches that are stuffed with lies? Some politicians! He started by oppressing our beloved idol Riego, and has ended by defending the aristocracy in the hope of them giving him a title. Yes, as for him ... he would be capable of selling Christ for thirty chambers (since he would never be content with just two) -- and for the absolute veto. I .... I am not saying this out of cruelty, gentlemen, I would hang him without the slightest scruple. And what should I say of the Apprentice, gentlemen, this infamous man who dreamt up the Regulation to ruin the Militia, this pedant who, while the country is in peril, busies himself in sowing Irish flax-seed in the fields of Calatayud? Why should I conceal it? If he were in my hands, I would hang him ...

(from Chapter 15)

seat of state : Don Patricio constantly selects or adapts terms that express his contempt. Doubtless he relishes using the word poltrona which is indeed a kind of seat but also means "poltroon". 

Rosita the Pastry Chef: nickname of Francisco Martínez de la Rosa, prime minister loathed by both the absolutists and the exaltados. The nickname implies a compromiser, someone who can always cook up an agreement (e.g. with the king) because they are willing to bend on matters of principle.

making verses: Martínez de la Rosa was also a dramatist.

Rabadán : I'm afraid I have no explanation for this. 

oppressing our beloved idol Riego: Riego had been imprisoned in September 1821, wrongly accused of republicanism following a failed republican revolt. 

content with just two: Martínez de la Rosa wanted to introduce a bicameral system in Spain (and some years later, he succeeded). 

the absolute veto: Don Patricio does not explicitly state his own republicanism, but it's implied by his loathing for the royal veto and for those who countenance it. 

Apprentice: Galdós' footnote tells us that this is José María Moscoso de Altamira, minister of the interior. 

Calatayud: city in Aragon, in an agricultural region.


*

7 de julio : Chapter Summary. 

1

March 1822. The schoolmaster Don Patricio Sarmiento brusquely directs the pale, gentle Soledad (who is asking for Salvador Monsalud) to the home of his employer, the Duque de Parque. Then, in private conversation with his son Lucas, he gives vent to various insulting remarks about her and more especially her disgraced father Don Urbano Gil de la Cuadra, and he lectures his son about the need to avoid inappropriate tenderness of heart when it comes to such people.

2

Soledad manages to find Monsalud at his work, writing a speech for his master to deliver to the Cortes. Monsalud regards Soledad as his "sister" and is covertly providing financial assistance to Soledad and her father (though without the latter's knowledge). Soledad is endlessly grateful and adulatory towards her "brother" -- evidently she is in love with him. But, perhaps in consequence, she tries to resist his controlling tendencies. She also asks questions about e.g. what Monsalud has actually done to earn her father's abhorrence, questions that he contrives by a mixture of slipperiness and authority to avoid answering. 

3

Monsalud's comic interview with the Duque, an eminent soldier who labours under the delusion that he is cut out for a brilliant career in politics. The Duque is delighted with the draft speech but demands various changes, such as dropping the eulogy to Riego (the Duque has ended up standing as a very liberal candidate, but his liberalism is evidently highly selective.)

4. 

At the Cortes, where the ultra-liberal Riego (now released from prison and elected to the Cortes) is hailed as a hero by most of the crowd, much to the embarrassment of the moderate government. Meanwhile the nervous Duque completely botches his delivery of the ghost-written speech. Monsalud has come along to support his master, but in fact he doesn't witness this debacle; he has spotted someone else in the crowd, someone who interests him far more than his employer does, and has hurried away. 

5. 

May 1822. We learn that Don Patricio detests Señor Naranjo, who is a schoolteacher like him but with diametrically opposed political views. It is Naranjo who is sheltering Don Urbano and his daughter at his house in the Calle de las Veneras. We find Don Urbano alone, apparently seeking a means to commit suicide. Soledad comes home and her father complains to her about her stifling care (e.g. hiding the scissors). He speaks of his despair, of not wishing to go out or see anyone, and of his one dream of Soledad marrying her cousin Anatolio and thus having someone to support her after her father's death. But Anatolio has not been in contact for a long time and seems to have forgotten the promise he made to his late mother (Don Urbano's sister), presumably because of their disgrace and poverty. 

6.

They hear the voices of Naranjo and an unexpected visitor, Don Patricio Sarmiento, dressed in the uniform of the national militia (which makes him even more inflated and rude). Naranjo confesses that this visit comes as a surprise. Sarmiento outlines their political differences (Naranjo is clearly a supporter of religion and absolutism), accuses him of being mixed up in conspiracies and warns him to watch his step, which Naranjo is offended by. But the apparently innocent reason for Sarmiento's visit is to bring a letter from Anatolio, at which Don Urbano faints with happiness and is carried to his bed. 

7.

Anatolio writes that he has been ill but is now on his way, arriving tomorrow or the day after. He is joining the Guards. Don Urbano notes that Soledad doesn't seem as excited as he is. In his excitement he actually wants to go out for a walk with his daughter. He tells her how much he has suffered for her sake (it's really the other way round), and admits he planned suicide for them both. Father and daughter go outside, where they run into Don Patricio, whom Don Urbano enthusiastically greets. Sarmiento says he hopes the letter contained good news about his business. Don Urbano, not perceiving Don Patricio's suspicions, says yes, very good news, and incautiously mentions that his nephew is joining the Guardia Real.

8.

Anatolio Gordón arrives two days later. He's broad-shouldered, good-natured, clumsy and none too bright, but he can do no wrong in Don Urbano's eyes. Apart from boasting naively about his inheritances, he says that he has a letter of introduction to the Duque del Parque who, he believes, owes him money. Soledad shows no inclination for him, but says she is happy to marry him to please her father.


Anatolio meets Don Urbano and Soledad (Chapter 8)

[Image source. This and the other illustrations come from an 1881 illustrated edition, a testament to the popular audience that these novels attracted. The title page says: Ilustrado por los SRES. GÓMEZ SOLER y ESTEBAN .]


9.

June 1822. Historical survey of the anarchic political situation throughout Spain. The absolutist king, moderate but weak government, and liberal-minded congress. The scabrous press, e.g the satirical publication El Zurriago (The Whip), representing the views of the ultra-liberals (los exaltados). Different parts of the army supporting different causes. The (voluntary) Milicia Nacional is relatively unified and has high morale; many boys of good family have now joined what was once a purely plebeian organization. 

10. 

Evening of 26 June. A group of Milicia Nacional relaxing in the Casa-Panadería. Introduces Don Primitivo Cordero, a loyal moderate. Upright and good-natured, but ignorant, a blind follower of Martínez de San Martín (Tintín de Navarra), unable to conceive that others could honestly hold any other political views than his own, so must have shady motives for seeming to do so. Tries to convey the impression that he knows all about everything already, via certain mysterious information channels. 

11.

Conversation, mostly between Don Primitivo and Don Patricio. About the royalist conspiracies, of course, the agents in Bayonne, etc. But the two are not entirely in accord. For instance Don Primitivo thinks that El Zurriago and the "anarchists" are being financed by the royalists (i.e. to destabilize the government). On the other hand Don Patricio suspects the government itself of being secretly absolutist, observing that they always seem to come down hard on the exaltados while turning a blind eye to the patent plotting of the royalists. Conspiracies are certainly rife. While the two are right in the general drift of their conspiracy theories, for instance about the imminent rising of the Guardia Real, Don Patricio is also shown as jumping to totally false conclusions about what Don Urbano and Anatolio are up to; it's obviously a deep royalist plot, he supposes. (We also meet Don Primitivo's uncle, Don Benigno Cordero, with small nose and gold spectacles; a great-hearted but most un-martial-looking volunteer.)

12.

Anatolio is at Aranjuez with the court. The wedding is planned for early July. An anguished Soledad goes to see her "brother" at the Duque's. Monsalud advises her to marry her cousin even though she does not love him. (He himself has now met Anatolio, who came to claim his debt from the Duque, and he approves of him.) He points out that they had better not meet any more, as Soledad no longer needs his support and it would be difficult to explain their relationship if Anatolio got wind of it. Monsalud is infuriatingly blind to Soledad's real feelings, and indulges in contrasting her happy prospects with his own turmoiled life. Monsalud is anxious for Soledad to leave; just as she is going, she sees a beautiful woman arriving in a coach outside. 

13.

Anatolio returns, dines with Don Urbano and Soledad and then falls asleep in the middle of playing cards with his uncle. They hear noises in Naranjo's quarters and, peeping out, they see the king's confessor (Victor Sáez) and senior commanders of the Guards (including the Conde de Moy); and also, the same mysterious beauty that Soledad glimpsed earlier in the day. Don Urbano warns Soledad to keep quiet about all this. He has had his fingers burnt by getting mixed up in conspiracies and doesn't want any involvement in whatever is going on in Naranjo's quarters. He tells Soledad, however, that an insurrection of the Guards seems likely (at which she suddenly feels a gleam of hope, thinking it might disrupt her dreaded wedding). Anatolio wakes up, and Don Urbano says he ought to leave the house immediately, in case he is spotted and wrongly associated with the conspiracy. (Anatolio is in fact planning to resign from the Guards as soon as possible.) Naranjo comes in and reiterates the need for absolute secrecy about this evening's visitors.  

14.

Outside, when Anatolio leaves, he is rudely assailed by Don Patricio and his son. There is a brawl; Lucas' nose is broken, but reinforcements arrive and Anatolio clears off. It's one of many scuffles in the last days of June. After the king's brief and turbulent attendance at the closure of congress (30 June), the insurrection begins, with the guards taking over an area outside the palace. The first real casualties, followed by days heavy with tension: "the town had become an encampment".  

[An ironic scene at the end. Some young officers of the guards, with liberal sympathies, have walked out on the rebellion and are being loudly acclaimed by the people. The name of one of them, Benigno Cordero informs Don Patricio, is Ramón Narváez. In later life he would become a famously reactionary prime minister.]


2 July: Madrid has become an ecampment (Chapter 14)


15. 

The government makes overtures to the palace, but no-one pays them any attention. General Morillo (by curious chance a senior commander in both the opposing troops) valiantly tries to maintain order, and over-rules Riego's hot-headed intention of attacking the palace; consequently Morillo himself becomes an object of suspicion. July 6. Conversation between Don Patricio, Don Primitivo and others. A long harangue by a hoarse Don Patricio, who thinks all the current ministers should be hanged. The ministers themselves have gone to the palace. Don Primitivo claims to have information about the Guards' plans but everyone laughs at him. Don Patricio once more raises the subject of raiding Sr Naranjo's house, as the probable source of the conspiracy leading to the insurrection. 

16. 

The abject Sr Naranjo is terrified, fearing that his guests' designs are going to fail and he will inevitably be arrested as an accessory; he has stopped doing any teaching, and his cane is covered in dust. Meanwhile, elsewhere in the house, Don Urbano (reverting from overheated exhilaration to blackest pessimism) is fretting about his nephew, who is with the guards at El Pardo (one of the other royal palaces in Madrid), and who will surely meet his death. On 4 July Don Urbano himself falls seriously ill and is confined to his couch. At midnight of the 6/7 July Naranjo receives information that the police are coming to arrest them at daybreak. The fatalistic Don Urbano tends to be grimly unsympathetic to Naranjo's troubles. (During this discussion, it emerges that the mysterious woman brought news from Bayonne and the exiled Eguía.) As Naranjo gets ready to flee, he unconsciously takes his revenge on Don Urbano by suddenly turning on the Guards for having stupidly missed the critical moment and for dispersing e.g. to El Pardo. Then Naranjo in a further spasm of self-pity announces that he has no money. Don Urbano nods to Soledad to give him their own money, and Naranjo suddenly cheers up and tactlessly starts preaching to Don Urbano about the necessity of keeping your hopes up.

17. 

Left alone, Don Urbano and his daughter talk. He feels his lack of faith in providence is confirmed. Soledad suggests they seek a friend to protect them. When her father derisively asks her to name a friend (he has no friends), Soledad dares to mention Monsalud, but Don Urbano reacts with horror. He is struck to the heart, his health is failing and he can now no longer see clearly. He falls into a stupor and, Naranjo's old maidservant (Doña Rosa) having arrived, Soledad decides to go out. As she is going, she hears her father mutter four words: He seduced my wife. She goes out anyway. 

18. 

2 a.m., 7 July. Soledad goes looking for the batallón sagrado (a unit of the national militia) -- evidently Monsalud is a volunteer in this batallion. But she cannot make any headway with her enquiries: the city is in tumult, there is firing, all the militia are in full operation, and she is almost the only woman on the streets. Eventually she decides to go home, momentarily cheered by the thought that in all this chaos the police probably won't come to arrest them at daybreak. But she can no longer find a way back to the Calle de las Veneras, because other streets are now full of fighting.

7 July: The Guardia Real advance through the streets (Chapter 19); note the granaderos at the front.

19.

Account of the decisive fighting to prevent the Guards from entering the Plaza Mayor. The Guards have advanced along the Calle Mayor (just to the north), and the key fighting is in three streets or passages that connect the one with the other: Calle de la Amargura, Callejón del Infierno, Calle de los Boteros. [With remodelling of the Plaza Mayor these are now the arcades "Calle del 7 de Julio", "Arco del Triunfo" and "Calle Felipe III", as expained here.] The trained soldiers advance against those they mock as "paper soldiers" but they are driven back by the courage and unity of the militia. The most dangerous moment is in the Calle de los Boteros, where the hero of the hour, renewing the courage of his companions when it falters, is Don Benigno Cordero (who is wounded but survives). 

7 July: The fighting in Calle de los Boteros (Chapter 19)

20.

A contrast between the enthusiast Don Benigno, a true hero, and the fanatic Don Patricio. The latter goes berserk during the fierce fighting in the Callejón del Infierno, blaspheming furiously, wounding one of his fellow militiamen with his bayonet and even stabbing the wall itself. The battle has been a disaster for the Guards, who are now a fleeing rabble. A moment of sweet victory for the people, celebrated not by laurels and triumphal arches but by wine and cake. And now the Militia advance upon the Palacio Real. Somewhere in the chaos we hear an anguished woman's voice, asking about the batallón sagrado ...

21.

The batallón sagrado make advances on the palace despite considerable resistance. However, glorious action now gets bogged down in negotiation, in which the agents of the palace are far more skilled than the indecisive council who represent the victorious side. The upshot is that while the four batallions of Guards that invaded the capital will be requested to surrender, the other two batallions of guards will be allowed to remain in service. Soledad, having got home and come back out again, finally meets Monsalud who says that everything will be fine, but he cannot come at once as his troop is overseeing the surrender of the Guards. And then there is more shooting and everything descends briefly into chaos once more. The king is heard to be still urging on the Guards. 

22.

Soledad goes out a third time, meets Monsalud and returns with him to Naranjo's house. Doña Rosa tells them that the beautiful woman turned up there, and was very angry to discover Naranjo's flight; she left half an hour ago. (Monsalud is so agitated by this that he momentarily stands up to leave, forgetting why he has come.) Don Urbano, hearing a male voice and not seeing clearly, assumes Anatolio has returned. He asks Soledad and "Anatolio" to embrace each other, which they do. Don Urbano, in his death agony, is soothed by this, but when he later overhears Monsalud say something he instantly recognizes the voice and cries out to "Anatolio" to kill his mortal enemy. Soledad asks her father to pardon Monsalud, but he refuses. Soon afterwards, he dies. 

23.

10 p.m, 7 July. A knocking at the door. Monsalud opens it to a party of soldiers headed by a puffed-up Don Patricio, seeking Anatolio and looking to arrest the other residents. He tells them that Naranjo has fled and Don Urbano is dead. After they have searched and found no-one to apprehend, Monsalud terminates Don Patricio's insensitive bluster by pushing him out of the door. 

24. 

9 July. Monsalud brings Soledad to stay with his mother and himself (at a peaceful house with a beautiful garden in el Prado Viejo: it belongs to the Duque del Parque). He sets about tracking down Anatolio; he is confident, he tells Soledad, that her cousin is alive and will still be her husband. In the mean time she can stay at this house for as long as it takes. Monsalud's investigations draw him into rambling conversations with the Corderos, nephew and uncle, both claiming to be able to help him but really preoccupied with their own affairs; Don Primitivo planning a lunch of thanksgiving with thousands of guests; Don Benigno continuing to speak up for a moderate approach and stating his belief that the king is not personally responsible for the violence carried out in his name, but has been "seduced" by hombres pérfidos. Both are evidently bothered by the recent promotion of exaltados to ministerial posts formerly held by moderates. Monsalud eventually manages to get away. Neither the Corderos nor anyone else has any real information about Anatolio's whereabouts.

25.

Monsalud finds himself talking more freely to Soledad. He mysteriously voices the wish that she and his mother (Doña Fermina) should conspire to hold him back from some undisclosed act that he is being tempted into. In the course of the conversation Soledad lets slip that she now knows the reason for her father's hatred of Monsalud, which knocks him off balance. He says that he gets the impression that Anatolio does not want to be found, and he will search no more for him. 

26.

Monsalud has gone out. Soledad in the garden is shocked to see Anatolio appear, dressed in black and with his arm in a sling. He tells her that he hid in a house when wounded on 7 July, and later went to Naranjo's house to find her gone. Now he has tracked her down, but, whose house is this? Soledad doesn't know what to say. Anatolio apologises for his brusqueness, but says he has heard things and he now doesn't intend to marry her. It turns out he has heard about her relations with Monsalud from Lucas Sarmiento (with whom he has reconciled himself, after their brawl). Soledad is serenely accepting of his decision, though asserting her innocence. Anatolio demands proof but she will not supply it, saying she doesn't wish to marry him anyway. Anatolio leaves, feeling he has suffered a blow. 

27. 

Monsalud returns at nightfall, but he is not the frank companion of the morning; he looks severe and avoids conversation. Soledad remarks on his change of manner, but Monsalud says he can't talk about it tonight, he's in the power of the devil. Later she overhears mother and son talking, the mother apparently pleading. When she awakes the next day he has gone out. His mother tells her that Monsalud is leaving them -- they pack his chest. Monsalud, returning, mentions to Soledad that he has heard about Anatolio's visit. Soledad reports what happened, and Monsalud says he will convince her cousin he is in the wrong, but Soledad is not in favour. Monsalud asks for his chest to be ready by ten. As the evening draws on he behaves wildly, at each moment wavering between asserting that he's leaving and deciding that he won't leave. He asks to be chained up, for the doors to be locked. 

28.

His mother having retired, the "brother" and "sister" continue to talk, Monsalud wishing that he could draw inspiration from her serenity and peaceful spirit. Soledad retires in turn, but she doesn't sleep, being far from reassured by this conversation. Suddenly she hears a coach draw up outside. She slips outside, sees Monsalud at the gate and the chest being loaded onto the coach. She hears a woman's voice saying: What is this? Do you repent? Monsalud replies: No, let's go. Away! In despair, Soledad calls out his name (though only internally) and drops senseless to the ground.

*


Spotting this in a shop window, I thought: "Why, that's Salvador Monsalud!" Well it isn't of course. The portrait that Alianza chose for the cover of 7 de julio is Jean Terford David, a French-born American officer painted by Thomas Sully of Philadelphia in 1813. But I think it works pretty well for Galdós' handsome and ambiguous hero. 

*

About Trafalgar (1873), the first volume of the first series of the Episodios Nacionaleshttps://michaelpeverett.blogspot.com/2016/01/benito-perez-galdos-trafalgar-1873.html .



















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