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Title Page of the Octavo |
Up until now I have only ever thought about this play as one
station in a larger progress, the great theatrical chronicle that, so far as we
can see, established Shakespeare’s reputation as an important player among
players.
But 3 Henry VI must have been performed, as it was
first published, as a separate piece intended to captivate and satisfy an
audience on the night. It has its own identity, and since it happens that I’m re-reading
it in separation from its invariable fellows, this seems an opportunity to look
at it in a different way.
It’s a packed chronicle, unflaggingly vigorous and very
fast-moving. In certain respects there’s a bludgeoning repetition: In Act I
Wakefield (Lancaster win), in Act II Towton (York win), in Act IV Warwick (Lancaster
win), in Act V Barnet and Tewkesbury (both York wins). Some producers have therefore
sought to emphasize a spirit of weariness, a war that goes on too long, battles
that become increasingly automatic and senseless. That testifies to a very
humane distaste on the producer’s part, but it misrepresents the unflagging
vigour. If the young Shakespeare gives us too many battles, that’s because
everyone wanted to see battles on stage, not because everyone hated to see
them. It was terrifyingly exciting. It’s when you cease to fear civil war that
you become concerned with disapproving it.
To view these affairs in a coarser and more sporting spirit,
the Lancastrians’ eventual defeat depends on the fatal weakness of their
behaviour when they’re on top in Act IV: they needed to kill Edward, not
imprison him. All the other battles end in some atrocity, but on this occasion
the Lancastrian side is without its dependable killers; Clifford is already
dead, and Margaret is still in France.
So Warwick only
deposes Edward – and feebly lets his brothers escape. And Edward rather gets
away with the political errors of Act III.
Nevertheless, the play ends in only formal triumph for the
Yorkists. Edward’s closing lines are dramatically hollow. We have just seen the
three brothers surround and slaughter
Henry’s son; then we’ve seen Henry himself being murdered by Richard. This is
not a happy foundation for triumph.
Besides, these brothers are by now individualized in ways
that create deep fault-lines between them. In Henry’s son’s words:
Lascivious Edward, and thou, perjur’d George,
And thou, mis-shapen Dick...
They began as a loyal team, formidably assisting their
father; they end as a crew.
In one respect, however, these glorious suns of York were never quite a
team of equals. From the first, Richard is marked out. In the opening moments of
the play there is a polite competition in bloodletting –
Edward (York’s
eldest son):
Lord Stafford’s father, Duke of Buckingham,
Is either slain or wounded dangerous:
I cleft his beaver with a downright blow;
That this is true, father, behold his blood.
Montague (York’s
brother):
And, brother, here’s the Earl of Wiltshire’s blood,
Whom I encounter’d as the battles join’d.
Richard (York’s
third son):
Speak thou for me and tell them what I did.
[Throwing down the Duke of Somerset’s head.]
York:
Richard hath best deserved of all my sons.
This last line must even in Shakespeare’s time have formed
an ironic contrast with the barbarity of Richard’s coup de theâtre. But
it acknowledges his pre-eminence. Richard is his father’s favourite, and more
importantly the dramatist’s favourite.
The same three people, Edward, Richard and their uncle, have
another polite dispute in the second scene of the play. Which of them is to
urge York to
break the pact that he has just made with King Henry? At first the brothers
speak in concert, but York
is unconvinced.
York:
I took an oath that he should quietly reign.
Edward:
But for a kingdom any oath may be broken:
I’d break a thousand oaths to reign one year.
Richard:
No; God forbid your grace should be forsworn.
Richard sees, and we see, that Edward has set off on a wrong
course. I mentioned “killers” in the play; but the elder York is not one of them. Ambitious
self-seeker as he is, he subscribes to certain codes of conduct that must be
flattered; Warwick is cast in the same mould; both carry with them some
remnants of the ethos that still existed, though already much troubled, in 1
Henry VI. Richard easily steers his father to the desired resolution
without the unacceptable suggestion that – God forbid! – he should break his
word. We digest the implications of this little episode: the mis-shapen Richard
is smarter than Edward, as well as more brutal.
These subtle emphases on Richard, however, are not very
disruptive. In the first two Acts his role is as a prominent team member with
notable talents. We need to believe in his loyalty to his own side, his love
for his father, his desire for Edward to be king, his enthusiastic
participation in the vision of the triple sun, his genuine desire to take
revenge on Clifford for the deaths of Rutland
and his father.
In Act III Scene 2, Edward (now king) commands his brothers
to go along with him on some trifling piece of business about Henry’s
re-capture, and everyone troops off stage. Except that, we blink and discover
that - for no accountable reason –
Richard’s still there, alone. It’s a great dramatic moment, and all the subtle
emphases mentioned above suddenly coalesce into a feeling of expectation,
exultation, liberation... And then follows Richard’s great soliloquy, his
assertion of himself and his own agenda, and the marvellous image in which he
imagines himself cutting through the complexities of historical process and
emerging as a different kind of presence:
For many lives stand between me and home,
And I, like one lost in a thorny wood,
That rents the thorns and is rent with the thorns,
Seeking a way and straying from the way,
Not knowing how to find the open air,
But toiling desperately to find it out,
Torment myself to catch the English crown:
And from that torment will I free myself,
Or hew my way out with a bloody axe. (3.2.173-81)
Though Richard will still be part of the Yorkist team he has
now definitively risen to a new dramatic sphere in which his only combatant (of
sorts) is the other soliloquiser, Henry. (True, there are other soliloquies -
York, Warwick and Clifford - but these all occur in the thick of battle and
express reaction to events; the speakers are worn out or wounded. This is a different
thing altogether.)
It is a curious achievement of Shakespeare’s that he manages
to make Edward IV’s reign seem such an insignificant episode and to make all of
us think only of Richard’s road to power. I must add that I think the thrilling
emergence of Richard is best handled in this play – in fact, I think it’s the
best of the tetralogy, the point where chronicle drama is held in strongest
tension with another kind of drama in which individual character begins to
dominate. In Richard III, I can’t help feeling that Richard begins to
camp it up too much. The sense of
seriousness in the account of national struggle is dimmed.
Richard’s soliloquy is only one of the great moments in this
play. Henry’s great, formal lament with the two pitiable soldiers is another.
The most powerful scene of all may be the one in which York is taunted before his death, though the
equally atrocious killing of Margaret’s son Prince Edward is not far behind.
*
Queen Margaret is as ruthless as Richard or Clifford, but
not for herself. Everything she does is for her son. In this turmoiled
struggle, survival revolves around the terrible arithmetic of children and
killings, birth and death.
Shakespeare’s theatre was unable to bring us the living
presence of very young children – those “babes” who are named in Macbeth
mainly to be killed. In The Winter’s
Tale the new-born Perdita is brought on stage as a mute doll; her doomed
brother Mamillius is, we must assume, around ten years old – as young as a
speaking part in Shakespeare can feasibly be (perhaps also the son and daughter
of Clarence who appear in Richard III 2.2). There remains, however, a fair period between
this and manhood. Shakespeare portrays a number of characters as boys, that is,
as males not yet able to play a full part in the business of mankind. There was
no shortage of boy-actors, after all. In 3 Henry VI, both Rutland and Prince Edward
fall into this category. The killing of these two boys is a matched pair that
connects Act I to Act V. (Historically Rutland was in fact older than George or
Richard.) As others have pointed out (e.g. Peter Saccio, 1984), there is very little fighting (on stage)
in 3 Henry VI – I think the only real fight is Richard against Clifford. But
there is a lot of killing. Atrocity is the play’s dominant image.
You have no children, butchers!
says Margaret after her own son has been slaughtered. In
fact King Edward does have a sprinkle of illegitimate children, as he
complacently admits in 3.2. Biology is important, but lineage is more so; it’s
the legitimate children that are precious, vulnerable and dangerous, depending
on how you look at it.
In view of her earlier treatment of York,
Margaret does not win much sympathy; even less if we recall from earlier in the
chronicle her adultery with Suffolk
and her part in the murder of Humphrey of Gloucester. But she is a profoundly
impressive figure; by now a battle-scarred veteran, both a cause of civil war,
and its victim.
In contrast to Margaret, Henry is no parent – well, he is,
literally, but he gives away his son’s inheritance - and Henry is therefore
always seen as something less than a man. Henry’s impotence give him a certain
status. It lifts him out of the quagmire of struggle, yet he carries with him
an over-arching responsibility for the whole bloody spectacle, and his death
sets a term on it, at least in this play. Having yielded up his active
involvement in this life, his vatic powers look beyond it, and principally in
the words he speaks over another young boy, Henry Richmond.
Throughout the three parts of Henry VI, Henry has
acted with an infuriating lack of political nous. But when, during the battle
of Towton, he shows no prejudice towards his own side and blankly says:
To whom God will, there be the
victory (2.5.15)
we understand that he does conceive his majesty as involving
a sense of kinship with his whole nation, even when its parties are
slaughtering each other. He speaks of “our striving houses” as if he has still
not grasped that he is implicated in the fortunes of one of them. We might
reasonably feel that Henry has no right to claim that his own sorrows are ten
times worse than the soldiers who have mistakenly killed their loved ones, and
we might also feel that to say
Oh that my death would stay these
ruthful deeds! (2.5.95)
represents a light dismissal of a course he should seriously
consider if he really wants to be of some help.
But Henry is an easy target. Despite – or because of – his
egocentricity, here and in 3.1 and in his death-scene 5.6, he alone offers a
competing perspective to the mire of political involvement. For the other
principals, the horrors of civil war seem to be invisible – they are too
engaged in it. His imagination, above all in the lines
So many days my ewes have been with
young,
So many weeks ere the poor fools
will ean, (2.5.36-37)
and
His cold thin drink out of his
leather bottle (2.5.48)
reflects not only a foolish personal envy* but a broader
feeling for the realities of common life. Henry’s career is a disastrous
failure, but Shakespeare’s career would turn that broader feeling into
something incalculably potent.
*(On
the other hand Oliver Cromwell, we suppose, knew what he was talking about
when, in reply to accusations of
personal ambition re the Lord Protectorate, he said that he hated the burden
and wished he’d lived under a wood side and kept a flock of sheep. Cromwell was
referring to his own background as a gentleman-farmer, not a landless shepherd.
Yet though he meant his remark literally it illustrates the sort of
inevitability with which people’s thoughts align themselves with available cultural
expression. Cromwell ended up saying exactly the same sort of trite thing as
the whole line of European monarchy from Shakespeare’s Henry to Marie
Antoinette.)
*
If we are honest, the packed chronicle is a little over-packed. From 3.3, we can't help feeling that the author is rushed. When Warwick switches sides in that scene, the potential weight of dramatic irony is undercut by the tempo of farce. We start to notice the ever more bare presentation of the battles, the stereotypical reversal of fortunes induced by a post or unlooked-for arrival (3.3, 4.1, 4.6, 5.1, 5.4), etc.
For all his considerable alterations and excisions, the young Shakespeare (or whoever) was evidently pretty conscientious about presenting Hall's story to his audience. Much of the verse in these hurried chronicle scenes is functional and not much more: there's so much history to get through. Even Richard and Henry often revert to being mere carriers of the narrative. From the aesthetic or dramatic point of view, we may wonder if the play really needs to spend time on Henry's choice of Protectors (4.6), Montgomery's insistence on Edward's royal claim (4.7), or the arrivals of Warwick's allies at Coventry (5.1). Apparently the players thought it did. The public, apparently, wished to be instructed in these minor details of the national history.
The great scenes of atrocity, the great scenes with Richard and Henry, leap out of this humble matrix with unexpected force. Warwick has a lot of lines, but never comes to life in the same way, nor does Margaret demand our attention throughout, only in those great scenes. This might be an argument for multiple authorship, but I'm not sure if it's a valid one. Given the brief (present the full story), wasn't it inevitable that the author would often have to rein in the artistic fires and be content to spell out details?
*
Note
1 – on the texts.
All
reader’s editions are based on the Folio text of 1623 (F), a text of over 3000
lines, all in verse. An octavo version, entitled The true Tragedy of Richard
Duke of York, and the death of good King Henry the Sixth, had appeared in
1595 (O). (F’s full title is The third Part of Henry the Sixth, with the
death of the Duke of York.
Both titles therefore allude to what was surely felt to be the most powerful
scene in the play, the torturing of York
at the end of Act One.)
Though
there are thousands of differences between O and F (O is about 900 lines
shorter), the effect of these differences on the total dramatic image is
surprisingly minor. O contains every scene and virtually every character who is
remotely individualized. And 3 Henry VI has a great many of both.
The
most detailed discussion of the relation between the texts is the 2nd Arden edition
(Cairncross, 1964). This is not superseded by the 3rd Arden edition (Cox and Rasmussen, 2001),
which opts for the now-usual approach of agnosticism, a reluctance to emend the
original texts, and a preference for offering them both (as per Lear,
Faustus, etc.). [It is patent that the Arden 3rd editions are aimed at a very
different audience from the 2nd editions.] Behind this approach is an
insecurity about the concept of authenticity, and a reluctance to depart from
the relative (but secure) validity of the “playtexts” (a felicitous term of
Barbara Hodgdon that I am probably misusing) in pursuit of a collation that
might possibly be closer to Shakespeare’s intentions. Most modern readers, I
think, have shared the sense of incredulity that arises from reading an edition
that contains lots of conjectural emendation; a sense that, though the editor
might on occasion luckily (but unverifiably) hit on original Shakespeare, the
accumulation of such conjectures must produce many new errors, and in all
probability leave us with a worse witness than the one we started with.
Thus,
when Cairncross in the first scene intuits that Montague’s brief part was
originally intended for a different character from the chronicles,
Falconbridge, he changes the speech prefix. Suppose his intuition is right. But
even so, what is he actually trying to achieve here? It’s quite right that a
play such as this must have begun with some sort of manuscript by some sort of
author (Shakespeare, I’ve no doubt). Is the idea to get back to that? But is it
where we really want to get to? Perhaps
changes that arose subsequently, during rehearsal or performance, were
Shakespeare’s considered changes, originated by him or at any rate meeting with
his thorough approval. A significant part of the composing process may have
occurred during the early history of the play.
And do we really know that
“Falconbridge” was the name in that first manuscript? Perhaps it was something
tried out and altered in draft, long before the play first met the company’s
eyes? In trying to “get back” to the “original”, we may actually be
overshooting it and disappearing into the chaotic fog of ideas and influences
that underlie any work of the imagination.
So
the 3rd Arden
usefully reproduces the whole of O, but is un-usefully very shy of accounting
for it.
The
Cairncross edition represents (and expands on) the tradition that really began
with Peter Alexander in 1929. Its conclusions are roughly as follows:
F
gives a fair representation of the play as first written, around 1590. It
derives from copy that may be close to an authorial ms. ( - although some use
was made of later quarto editions of O. Compositors always preferred printed
copy to manuscript, even if this required a lot of emendation on the page. But
of course this practice led to mistakes, and some O readings therefore sneaked
into F, displacing authorial readings.)
The
original (laying aside doubts about what exactly that ought to mean – see
above) was close to F, and closer still to the ms copy from which most of F was
set. O, in contrast, is derivative. It witnesses to purposive cutting with the
aim of producing a shorter play. The text is also corrupt in ways that suggest
memorial reconstruction – in other words, at some stage in the reporting chain,
someone did not have full access to original text.
Signs
of memorial error and reconstruction include:
1.
Lots of semi-metrical text in place of a metrical original. E.g. Sir John
Montgomery’s speech:
What talk you of debating? In few words,
If you’ll not here proclaim yourself our king,
I’ll leave you to your fortune and be gone
To keep them back that come to succour you.
Why shall we fight, if you pretend no title? (F,
4.7.53-57)
What stand you on debating, to be brief,
Except you presently proclaim yourself our king,
I’ll hence again, and keep them back that come to
Succour you, why should we fight when
You pretend no title? (O)
2.
Mishearings, whether actually aural or apparently so:
O, ten times more than tigers of Hyrcania. (F
1.4.155)
O ten times more than tigers of Arcadia. (O)
(Also
“clamor” for “cannons”, “famous” for “foeman’s”, etc.)
3.
Incomplete memory leading to text that makes less sense:
And that I love the tree from whence thou sprangst,
Witness the loving kiss I give the fruit. (F
5.7.31-32)
And that I love the fruit from whence thou sprangst,
Witness the loving kiss I give the child (O)
The
Scales and Hungerford marriages (4.1.46ff.) are terribly confused in O.
4. Fresh recourse to the chronicles to locate
details that were not exactly recalled. E.g. some of the figures given for the
size of armies are more accurate in O than in F – because Shakespeare was
creatively modifying throughout, but the producers of O took their figures
direct from Hall.
5. Recycling text, e.g Warwick’s three lines in O’s rendering of 5.2
which are almost a copy of his earlier lines in 2.3.
6.
Phrases borrowed from other plays, e.g. from 1 Henry VI.
Details
can be argued over (F’s “Is this our foeman’s face” (2.5.82) makes much less
sense than O’s “this is no famous face”.) But the cumulative case is
convincing, though what isn’t so clear to me is whether the purposive cutting
preceded the reconstruction (as Cairncross seems to assume) or accompanied it,
or came later.
Exactly
why there is so much garbled reporting (or apparently garbled reporting) in
Elizabethan play-editions is still disturbingly unclear; I get the feeling that
I don’t fully grasp important aspects of the sociology of Shakespeare’s theatre.
(A fairly cursory survey confirms the notion that the speeches of Clifford, Warwick, and what remains
of Margaret, are noticeably closer to the presumed original than the rest.) But
overall this is certainly a very well remembered play compared to e.g. The
Taming of A Shrew. Even to remember all the scenes and all the characters,
never mind their words, would have been a prodigious feat (I wonder if the reporters may have had access to a "theatre plot" - a list of scenes, characters, entries and exits). Whoever did the
cutting, at any rate, must surely have had script to work from.
There
is some re-ordering in Act IV. The scenes 4.4 and 4.5 change places in O, and
4.7 precedes the remnant of 4.6, which is effectively amalgamated with 4.8. I
think all of this springs from the same motive: to drastically reduce 4.6
(dispensing with the role of the Lieutenant in the process) and to merge what
little remains – chiefly, the prophecy about Richmond – with the next scene in which
Warwick and his party appear (4.8). This could not be achieved without making
further changes since it left 4.7 right next to 4.5, and that didn’t
work out; Edward is on stage in both but there is a time-gap between the two scenes.** So 4.4 was postponed in order to act as a buffer between them, though not
without awkwardness; the Queen and Rivers are now seen reacting to a situation
(the capture of Edward) that the audience has already left behind. Moreover,
this now brings the exit of Edward in 4.3 uncomfortably close to his re-entry
in 4.5 (for again, there must seem to be a significant time-gap). It must be
for this reason that O drops Edward’s farewell lines in 4.3 (to get him off
stage more quickly) and, most unusually, adds some extra lines – some padding
by Clarence and two lines by Warwick (“Come let us haste away, and having past
these cares / I’ll post to York and see how Edward fares”) which quite
skilfully import the suggestion that Edward – whom we have seen leaving the
stage only moments before – is already ensconced in his Yorkshire prison.
[** Not that I'm totally sold on the theory that Elizabethan plays don't allow a character to leave the stage at the end of one scene and come back on at the start of the next. That's pretty much what happens at 5.1-5.2 (Edward, admittedly preceded by "excursions") and at 5.6-5.7 (Richard).]
Some
of the other cutting seems to have had the intention of reducing the number of
separate speaking parts. The Watchmen are entirely omitted from 4.3 (leaving a
trace of their presence in the text, in Oxford’s
“Who goes there?”). Similarly in 3.1, a drastically reduced scene, though two
Keepers are mentioned in the SD there is no conversation between them and all
the speeches assigned to Keeper could be spoken by one man, the other
remaining mute. Somerset
loses his two lines in 4.1 and his one line in 4.3 (sheer efficiency, this. To
keep a minor actor hanging around to deliver one or two lines is just asking
for a lapse of concentration.) *See note 4.
The Lieutenant is omitted from what remains of 4.6, as mentioned above.
But
the majority of the cuts seem designed not to reduce the number of roles but to
speed up the action (and shorten the performance-time). The parts most affected
are those with long speeches, such as Margaret and Henry, who lose more than
150 lines each.
A
variant in O that I like is Richard’s
To dry mine arm up like a withered shrimp
(Compare
F 3.2.156: To shrink mine arm up like a withered shrub)
But
it’s probably another memory of 1 Henry VI, where the Countess describes
Talbot as “this weak and writhled shrimp” (2.3.22). – Cairncross supposes that
the same (terrier-like?) actor played both Talbot and Richard, which is
certainly very likely since Talbot’s role ends in Part I and Richard’s does not
begin until Part 2. The other senior men’s roles (Henry, York, Warwick) are
carried through all three parts.
*
Note
2 – on the tetralogy.
If
Cairncross’s detailed arguments are accepted, then Shakespeare, near the
beginning of his career as a writer, conceived and triumphantly delivered a
massive opus in the form of four plays, the whole sequence written in 1590-91* [See end of note!].
Nothing like this had ever been written before. The only known chronicle play
before this date is the Famous Victories
of Henry V, which existed in some form by 1588 (the surviving text is later
and mutilated) -- but see also my comments, elsewhere, on Edward III. The main inspiration, theatrically, can only have been
the two parts of Tamburlaine. The idea for a vast historical enterprise
would have arisen naturally enough from such works as Hall, Holinshed, and the Mirror
for Magistrates; Shakespeare had an audience who were intensely interested
in the history of the previous century. For the sheer ambition of Shakespeare’s
work, inspiration could have come from The Faerie Queene -- Spenser had
just published the first three books of what was clearly going to be the
biggest English poem anyone had seen.
Another factor, which it’s hard to weigh,
was the continuing prominence of noble families in Shakespeare’s own time. Some
(e.g. the Lords Cobham ex Oldcastle) were still significant parts of the
national landscape and they were interested enough in the portraits of their
own ancestors to have an impact on Shakespeare’s work, i.e. through censorship
and consequent re-writing. Samuel Daniel was tutor to Lady Anne Clifford, only daughter of the current Earl of Cumberland. I can't imagine them being much gratified by the portrait of their forebear in 3H6. Anyway, clearly the material of the tetralogy was not felt
to be “remote”.
The tetralogy is a large-scale instance of Shakespearean double time. In the chronicles time is passing slowly, but on stage it flies by. The actor of each role doesn't age perceptibly, nor does his character alter drastically, so we don't really feel that e.g. 26 years lie between Henry's marriage to Margaret in 2H6 and Henry's death in the tower in 3H6. The First Duke of Buckingham in 2H6 is actually the grandfather of the Second Duke of Buckingham in R3 , yet Richard of Gloucester encounters both and doesn't seem so very much older in the later play. (In reality he was only 7 at the time of the first Duke of Buckingham's death.)
A
dramatic sequence on such a scale must arouse curiosity about how such an
ambitious project could ever come to fruition. Some company must have had
immense faith in the idea. If 1 Henry VI* was originally in much the same
form as we know it from the Folio, then it was dramatically inconclusive and
pointed straight on to its successor (just like the second and third parts do).
Was it feasible to rehearse a company to perform the plays in rapid succession,
like Wagner’s Ring at Bayreuth?
Or should one think rather that each play was intended to be performed in
isolation, but its inconclusiveness and promise of serial entertainment was
perceived as a commercial advantage, arousing an expectation for a sequel that
was several months down the line? That
might make sense in London,
but could hardly have done so in a touring context.
According
to Nashe, 1 Henry VI attracted huge
audiences. And perhaps it really was a collaboration. That might go some way to
explaining the sequels. It's hard to see the young Shakespeare being able to sell the idea of a tetralogy, but it's possible to imagine a kind of unspoken wider commitment to a project of chronicling English history, and the more so if various established London authors were involved -- Nashe, Kyd, Greene or whoever. Shakespeare as the most junior author might from the start have done most of the work, and then -- when that work turned out to be brilliant -- increasingly found himself holding the baby. That would be a little reminiscent of how the young Dickens, supposed to be the junior subordinate, took control of the Pickwick Papers.
Like
Wagner, Shakespeare was extravagant with his demands. The cast of each of these
plays is large. Big roles would seem to require top-quality actors, yet look at
how Shakespeare treats, e.g. Suffolk
in 1 Henry VI.* Suffolk first appears in
the Temple Garden scene (2.4) where he has a
handful of powerful lines. He then re-appears, but only as a mute, in three
scenes (3.1, 3.4, 4.1). Then, in 5.3, his part suddenly becomes critical. He shares
the long dialogue with Margaret, and he dominates the final scene of the play
(5.5). The actor who played Suffolk, therefore,
must have been one of the top men in the company (especially if he was also
intended to play Suffolk
in 2 Henry VI), yet Shakespeare keeps him hanging around with virtually
nothing to do until nearly the end of the play. The only substantial part in 1
Henry VI that the actor could conceivably have doubled is the younger
Talbot. If (as seems to be thought) he also played Clifford, his part in 3
Henry VI is over by the end of Act II.
A
similar profligacy affects the use of the actor who would play Richard of
Gloucester. He could have played Talbot
in 1 Henry VI* (see above), but there is no obvious role for him in the
bulk of 2 Henry VI, and he may have just made a brief, colourful splash
as e.g. Jack Cade (I think this is how it worked out in the ESC production). In
short, if Shakespeare wrote his tetralogy with a company in mind, he must have
relied on a sufficiently large number of competent actors to be able to rest
his big hitters for large portions of some plays.
Shakespeare
evidently had great faith in the boy-actors, too. They had to act not only boys
but all female ages from ten to eighty (e.g. Clarence’s daughter and the
Duchess of York in Richard III). They also had to bring off the
challenging ensemble scenes of Richard III, in which three or four
mature women compete in lamentation over their children and husbands. These
were not “boyish” roles of the Rosalind type, such as any fresh-faced
sixteen-year-old could make sexy just by being themselves. And some female
roles in the tetralogy, above all Margaret, would seem to call on the boy-actor
to make a very forceful impact. Perhaps this was realistically achievable only
if the style of acting was highly formal and did not venture on
naturalism.
[That
tends to be confirmed by two things: first, that other plays of this era - just
prior to the closure of the playhouses - are also notable for very large casts
(compared to the plays that came later). Also, the sheer number of plays that
were performed. e.g. according to Henslowe, the Lord Admiral's Men in 1594-95
performed 38 plays, of which 21 were new. That's a staggering number of lines
to learn, but it doesn't suggest much detailed meditation of character-details
and of how to play key moments in a scene - more like the hasty preparation of
a play-reading: e.g. your part requires you to be kingly and solemn, or
clownish and comic.]
The
main practical analogy for handling this kind of multi-part theatrical
enterprise was the still-living memory of the mystery cycles. But the actors in
these spectacles were not professional, and a high level of virtuosity was not
required. If something like this was also true of the Henry VI plays, then Richard III (following hard on Faustus)
set a new course, in which plays would showcase the talents of outstanding
individual actors.
[*Since I wrote this note, Paul J. Vincent's thesis has belatedly convinced me that 1H6 was written after the other three plays, and not originally by Shakespeare. It was a conscious "prequel" composed for a rival company (Lord Strange's Men) in 1592, probably by Thomas Nashe and one other (unidentified) author, and subsequently acquired by Shakespeare's company. It was at this time (c. 1594) that Shakespeare revised or added several scenes. See this post:
http://michaelpeverett.blogspot.com/2019/01/william-shakespeare-kind-of-1-henry-vi.html
I have not tried to correct what I have written above, though my references to 1H6 are of course impacted. I would emphasize, though, that Shakespeare's (? and others') 1590-91 sequence, even when reduced to three plays, remains unprecedented. The first part of Tamburlaine had been complete in itself. The second part of Tamburlaine had been an unplanned afterthought. This is not to deny that the two-part Tamburlaine, as it came to be, might have been inspirational to Shakespeare, if only as suggesting how it could be done better. For 2H6 (presumably then titled The First Part of the Contention) was consciously both a complete play in length and yet only the first episode of something bigger. It goes out of its way to whet our appetite for what's coming next. 3H6 does the same. And this was an entirely new thing.]
*
Note
3
Stuart
Hampton-Reeves’ Alarums and Defeats: Henry
VI on Tour speculates interestingly
on how far Henry VI and other plays of the time were designed in the
context of touring companies. He notes, for example, the interest that 3
Henry VI must have held for
audiences in York and in Coventry, both of whom saw performances (very likely,
he suggests, of this play) during the ill-fated tour of Pembroke’s Men in
1592-93.
It’s
certainly a neglected context for Shakespeare’s early career – the brilliant
Warwickshire Induction of The Taming of the Shrew (complete with touring
players) is another place where this background is relevant.
Nevertheless,
I’m not wholly convinced. London must have been where the Henry VI plays
achieved the fame that is attested by Greene’s well-known attack; and London
audiences may have appreciated the Parliament and Tower scenes in 3 Henry VI
just as much as the provincial audiences appreciated the dramatic portrayal
of their own cities. And while passages such as York’s
otiose remarks on the Kentishmen – “Witty, courteous, liberal, full of spirit”
– might well have drawn applause on one leg of the provincial tour, they might
equally have raised a few shouts from a London
audience, too; especially south of the river. Provincials (like Shakespeare
himself) were being drawn to the capital in ever-growing numbers.
Besides,
one must add that in respect of the very large number of characters, the Henry
VI plays are peculiarly unsuitable for touring. With optimal doubling, the sixty-seven roles
in 3 Henry VI would
require twenty-one adult actors (around twelve of them with lines to speak) and
at least four boys; around 16 speaking parts in all. What is known of touring
companies suggests they were generally if not always smaller than that, but
perhaps the Pembroke tour might have been envisaged on a larger scale for the
very reason that they planned on performing Henry VI as a centrepiece.
Perhaps that’s why it lost money.
What
was indubitably true was the success of the ESC’s provincial tour of the
History cycle in the 1980s, which is the occasion for Hampton-Reeves’ essay. By
a curious chance I not only saw all seven plays (Henry VI was conflated
into two), but I had also seen Terry Hands’ RSC production at Stratford in the 1970s. Anyone would think I
was a regular theatregoer.
Note
4. – “Somerset”.
In
the 3rd Arden edition the editors decide to
distinguish the Somerset of 4.1 from the Somerset of 4.2-5.5.
Historically, it is true, there were two different dukes (Henry, the Third
Duke, and his younger brother Edmund, the Fourth Duke), both sons of the one
whose head makes such a spectacular prop in 1.1. The Third Duke was briefly of Edward’s party
(4.1) and the Fourth was killed at Tewkesbury
(5.5). But in the play, Shakespeare clearly conflates the two. The one who is
seen abandoning Edward and stalking offstage with Clarence in 4.1 is obviously
– in the play – the same individual who, in the very next scene, arrives
alongside Clarence to take up arms for Warwick.
A very sharp observer might indeed wonder about Richard’s and Edward’s
references to three Dukes of Somerset, when only two have been seen on stage.
But splitting Shakespeare’s conflated character back into two would make no
theatrical sense, and is a blatant instance of conjecture overshooting the
original, by the very editors who have been most fearful of that danger.
Note
5. – Sanctuary.
There
is a human right that was allowed to the most degraded members of medieval
society - criminals, refugees and homeless vagabonds - yet which is denied to
us. I am of course talking about sanctuary.
Well,
I am probably idealizing. Sanctuary perhaps did not cut much ice unless you
were well-born. Superior force might not choose to recognize it. It is said
that at the battle of Tewkesbury in 1471, some
of the despairing Lancastrians fled the Bloody Field to take sanctuary in the
abbey: so they were slaughtered there instead. If Shakespeare knew of this
story, he didn't use it; he had enough atrocity for his purposes in the killing
of the young Prince Edward.
Sanctuary
had been recognized in pre-Christian times. In Euripides' Ion, Creusa takes sanctuary at Apollo's altar after her plot to
kill Ion has been discovered. The baffled Ion grumbles:
What a state of affairs! How terrible it is when
the laws the gods have made for men are made neither well now wisely! The
criminal should be driven from the altar, not granted its protection. It is an
offence that something holy should be touched by criminal hands; only the just
have this right. It is the victim of wrongdoing who should receive the
privilege of sanctuary; the good man and the bad when they seek refuge should
not be given equal treatment by the gods.
Ion's
reasoning, as throughout the play, is fresh but naïve. The problem is that to vengeful
pursuers the supplicant is always going to be a criminal, never a victim of
wrongdoing. I suppose it would work if the gods actively intervened (perhaps
they could give the true criminals an electric shock), but then their altars
would no longer be sanctuaries as we understand them. In this play, sanctuary
does everyone a service, because Creusa and Ion are about to find out that they
are mother and son.
When, in 3H6 4.4, Queen Elizabeth (formerly Lady Grey) says of taking sanctuary, "There shall I rest secure from force and fraud", Shakespeare is setting a long-distance time-bomb. She may be right in the present instance, but in Richard III 3.1 she'll find out that a pursuer determined to override the claims of sanctuary can always find an argument. Buckingham in fact comes up with the mirror image of Ion's.
You break not sanctuary in seizing him;
The benefit thereof is always granted
To those whose dealings have deserv'd the place,
And those who have the wit to claim the place.
This prince have neither claimed it nor deserv'd
it:
And therefore in mine opinion cannot have it...
Yes,
you heard it right. The young Duke of York, not having done anything criminal,
does not deserve sanctuary. Therefore, Buckingham tells the Cardinal, you will
commit no wrong by collecting him from his over-protective mother and bringing
him to us, by force if necessary (he does not add, so we can later murder him).
Shakespeare
found this argument in the chronicles. In a perverse way it reflects the Christianization of sanctuary: the Christian God came into the world to save
sinners and not good men, therefore sanctuary applies specifically to
criminals, exactly the class of person that Ion thinks ought to be
excluded.
When
I was at school, we still resorted, when finally cornered by some tough person
that we had annoyed, to saying Pax! Pax!
Pax! which was supposed to invoke the power of sanctuary or of being
"home" in a game of It. In my own agitation I not only cried Pax but also crossed my fingers on both
hands, with a confused hope that this action (primarily intended to nullify
vows) could magically release me from other unwelcome consequences, too.
[In
England
the right of sanctuary was definitively withdrawn by King James I in 1623. In
some other countries, notably Norway
and Canada,
it still has force.]
(2004, 2010, 2014)
Labels: William Shakespeare